{"id":102866,"date":"2022-06-30T10:32:04","date_gmt":"2022-06-30T08:32:04","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/?p=102866"},"modified":"2022-06-30T15:12:56","modified_gmt":"2022-06-30T13:12:56","slug":"icc-20-elusive-success-double-standards-ukraine-moment","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/102866-icc-20-elusive-success-double-standards-ukraine-moment.html","title":{"rendered":"The ICC at 20: elusive success, double standards and the \u201cUkraine moment\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Tomorrow, 1 July, the International Criminal Court (ICC) will celebrate its 20th anniversary. On this occasion, human rights lawyer Reed Brody looks back at the results of the Court, which has not convicted a single state official of atrocity crimes. If this anniversary is marked by an extraordinary \"Ukraine momentum\", the author warns that if the ICC prosecutor's office does not want to risk being seen as a mere judicial arm of NATO, it must devise an equally robust response to the other situations it is supposed to investigate.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

Let\u2019s face it, the International Criminal Court<\/a>, which celebrates its twentieth anniversary on July 1, is suffering from a lack of results. \u00a0In two decades, and at a cost of almost two billion dollars,<\/a> the ICC has never sustained the atrocity conviction of any<\/em> state official at any<\/em> level anywhere<\/em> in the world. Some of its leading cases have collapsed because of faulty case-building, reversals on appeal, and outright sabotage by targeted officials<\/a>.\u00a0The only defendants convicted of atrocity crimes in 20 years have been five African rebels.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

And yet, the ICC has had an important impact on global justice, through its governing Rome statute which has been transposed into many national laws, and the  baseline international <\/em>presumption in favor of accountability<\/a> it helps promote<\/em>, as well as through the pressure it has exerted on some states like Colombia<\/a> to undertake prosecutions or risk an ICC investigation. In a case I helped prosecute, the African Union (AU) played a vital role<\/a> in bringing about the trial of former Chad dictator Hiss\u00e8ne Habr\u00e9 by an AU-backed \u201chybrid\u201d court in Senegal,  precisely to ward off even more ICC cases against African leaders by showing Africa could handle its own.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mixed courts and universal jurisdiction<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

It is domestic<\/a> and hybrid courts<\/a> which dominate global accountability efforts, as they should, and the list of former rulers they have prosecuted for human rights crimes keeps growing, including Charles Taylor of Liberia, Saddam Hussein of Iraq, Khieu Samphan of Cambodia, Alberto Fujimori of Peru, Efra\u00edn Rios Montt of Guatemala, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, and Blaise Compaor\u00e9 of Burkina Faso. Hashim Thaci of Kosovo now faces trial before a Kosovo court sitting in The Hague.  Guinea has just indicted its ex-president Alpha Cond\u00e9. The Gambia government says<\/a> it will prosecute former president Yahya Jammeh before a hybrid court. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cUniversal jurisdiction<\/a>\u201d cases are also on the rise, with over 100 defendants<\/a>, mostly living in Europe, being prosecuted for crimes back in places like Syria, Liberia, Iraq and Rwanda. This welcome development has been spurred by NGO activism<\/a>, the creation in many European countries of special \u201cwar crimes units<\/a>,\u201d some of which have opened \u201cstructural investigations<\/a>\u201d into country situations like Syria, and the establishment of three independent investigative mechanisms for atrocities committed in Myanmar, Syria and by ISIL. These mechanisms build war-crimes cases and feed them to national prosecutors, helping create what former US war crimes ambassador Stephen Rapp has called a new \u201cinternational justice ecosystem.\u201d\u00a0 Rapp is one of those advocating<\/a>, together with the International Commission of Jurists<\/a>, for creation of a Standing Independent Investigative Mechanism (SIIM) to build prosecution files for the worst country situations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ICC\u2019s Ukraine moment<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Russia\u2019s naked aggression in Ukraine and its flagrant war crimes have now created a \u201cUkraine moment\u201d in international justice and given the ICC a golden opportunity to demonstrate its relevance. But it has also exposed the political calculations and double standards which have plagued both the ICC and the international justice system more generally.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The widespread and rapid mobilization by the ICC and national prosecutors has surpassed<\/a> any previous response to atrocity by orders of magnitude. The hard-charging new ICC prosecutor, Karim Khan, has seized the moment to make three visits to the country he calls a \u201ccrime scene,\u201d open the ICC\u2019s largest field office ever, create an online portal to gather evidence, and raise unprecedented amounts of extrabudgetary state contributions and seconded personnel to support his probe. Forty-three ICC member states formally requested an ICC investigation of the situation in Ukraine, meaning the prosecutor did not have to waste time seeking approval by a judicial panel. Even the United States, which objects to ICC jurisdiction over the nationals of non-party states (like the US) absent a Security Council referral, seems to support<\/a> the ICC\u2019s investigation over alleged crimes by nationals of Russia (a non-party state ) in Ukraine.  In addition to the Ukrainian prosecutor Iryna Venediktova, who is on the frontlines with a team looking at over 15,000 suspected war crimes, five neighboring states and the ICC have joined her to form the largest-ever \u201cJoint Investigating Team,\u201d while experts sent by many other countries are helping develop evidence. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is the kind of concerted response for which human rights groups have always advocated, and the quick action means that evidence can be collected and preserved in a way that would be impossible down the road. This global commitment to accountability should be the model<\/a> for other crises in places such as Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Mali, Myanmar, Palestine, and Yemen.  And yet, of course, it is the exception.  As Raji Sourani, Director of the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights and a supporter of the ICC Ukraine probe, has lamented<\/a>, the prosecutor never sought outside money for the ICC\u2019s Palestine investigation, never spoke about a \u201ccrime scene,\u201d never opened a portal for observers to report crimes, never sought to visit Palestine. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Legal arm of NATO?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

If the office of the ICC prosecutor is not to be seen as just the legal arm of NATO, it must devise an equally robust response in other country situations it is supposed to be investigating, or risk, the words<\/a> of the Coalition for the ICC, \u201cexacerbating perceptions of politicization of and selectivity in the Court\u2019s work.\u201d State pledges of funding and personnel for Ukraine, the CICC said, \u201csends the unfortunate signal that justice for some victims should be prioritized over others, depending on political will.\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Those perceptions of bias were fueled last September when prosecutor Khan announced<\/a> that in his Afghanistan investigation, he was \u201cdeprioritizing\u201d alleged crimes by the United States and its allies, the inquiry into which had hardly progressed in almost 20 years but  had triggered Trump administration sanctions against the court. Even before Khan, the OTP let the United Kingdom off the hook<\/a>, because it could not conclude that the UK\u2019s domestic efforts to deal with allegations of systematic torture in Iraq were not genuine, despite zero domestic prosecutions in fifteen years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These same double standards have polluted the entire international justice eco-system. The broad universal jurisdiction laws of Belgium and Spain were key in advancing cases against miscreants like Habr\u00e9 and Chile\u2019s Augusto Pinochet, but were repealed following political pressure<\/a> when they were used against American, Chinese and Israeli defendants. Germany, whose aggressive use of universal jurisdiction led to landmark prosecutions<\/a> of Syrian torturers and most recently a case<\/a> against an alleged Gambian death squad member, twice refused<\/a> to move on complaints against Bush administration officials for alleged \u201cwar on terror\u201d crimes against Muslim detainees, just as France also refused. And of course the United States itself never prosecuted those officials for ordering practices<\/a> such as \"waterboarding,\" the use of secret CIA prisons, and the rendition of detainees to countries where they were tortured.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The justice mobilization around the horrors visited on Ukraine is heartwarming and illustrates how justice can function when the political will exists. But the long-term integrity and global acceptance of the ICC and the international justice framework require that they also take on crimes committed by powerful western actors, not just designated enemies.<\/p>\n\n\n

\r\n\t\t\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\t
Recommended reading<\/div>\r\n\t\t\t
\"Karim<\/div><\/a>\r\n\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\tElection of Karim Khan - what battles await the third prosecutor of the International Criminal Court?\r\n\t\t<\/a>\r\n\t\t\r\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\n\n
\n

\"ReedREED BRODY<\/strong><\/p>\n

Reed Brody<\/a> of the International Commission of Jurists was counsel for the victims of the former dictator of Chad, Hiss\u00e8ne Habr\u00e9, and is a member of the ICJ and Oxford expert panels proposing a Standing Independent Investigative Mechanism.  He is the author of four Human Rights Watch reports on Bush administration abuse of \u201cwar on terror\u201d detainees.  His book on the Habr\u00e9 case, \u201cTo Catch a Dictator<\/a>,\u201d will be published by Columbia University Press in November.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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If this anniversary is marked by an extraordinary \"Ukraine momentum\", the author warns that if the ICC prosecutor's office does not want to risk being seen as a mere judicial arm of NATO, it must devise an equally robust response to the other situations it is supposed to investigate.","og_url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/102866-icc-20-elusive-success-double-standards-ukraine-moment.html","og_site_name":"JusticeInfo.net","article_publisher":"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/JusticeInfo\/","article_published_time":"2022-06-30T08:32:04+00:00","article_modified_time":"2022-06-30T13:12:56+00:00","og_image":[{"width":1380,"height":920,"url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/International-Criminal-Court-Cour-penale-internationale_windows_@ICC-CPI.jpg","type":"image\/jpeg"}],"author":"Reed Brody","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_creator":"@justiceinfonet","twitter_site":"@justiceinfonet","twitter_misc":{"Written by":"Reed Brody","Est. reading time":"8 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"NewsArticle","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/102866-icc-20-elusive-success-double-standards-ukraine-moment.html#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/102866-icc-20-elusive-success-double-standards-ukraine-moment.html"},"author":{"name":"solivri","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#\/schema\/person\/6e53cba1629e2e66f3fc1821d3091865"},"headline":"The ICC at 20: elusive success, double standards and the \u201cUkraine moment\u201d","datePublished":"2022-06-30T08:32:04+00:00","dateModified":"2022-06-30T13:12:56+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/102866-icc-20-elusive-success-double-standards-ukraine-moment.html"},"wordCount":1375,"publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#organization"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/102866-icc-20-elusive-success-double-standards-ukraine-moment.html#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/International-Criminal-Court-Cour-penale-internationale_windows_@ICC-CPI.jpg","keywords":["Reed Brody"],"articleSection":["ICC","Opinion"],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/102866-icc-20-elusive-success-double-standards-ukraine-moment.html","url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/102866-icc-20-elusive-success-double-standards-ukraine-moment.html","name":"The ICC at 20: elusive success, double standards and the \u201cUkraine moment\u201d - JusticeInfo.net","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/102866-icc-20-elusive-success-double-standards-ukraine-moment.html#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/102866-icc-20-elusive-success-double-standards-ukraine-moment.html#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/International-Criminal-Court-Cour-penale-internationale_windows_@ICC-CPI.jpg","datePublished":"2022-06-30T08:32:04+00:00","dateModified":"2022-06-30T13:12:56+00:00","description":"Tomorrow, 1 July, the International Criminal Court (ICC) will celebrate its 20th anniversary. On this occasion, human rights lawyer Reed Brody looks back at the results of this Court, which has not convicted a single senior official. If this anniversary is marked by an extraordinary \"Ukraine momentum\", the author warns that if the ICC prosecutor's office does not want to risk being seen as a mere judicial arm of NATO, it must devise an equally robust response to the other situations it is supposed to investigate.","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/102866-icc-20-elusive-success-double-standards-ukraine-moment.html#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/102866-icc-20-elusive-success-double-standards-ukraine-moment.html"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/102866-icc-20-elusive-success-double-standards-ukraine-moment.html#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/International-Criminal-Court-Cour-penale-internationale_windows_@ICC-CPI.jpg","contentUrl":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/International-Criminal-Court-Cour-penale-internationale_windows_@ICC-CPI.jpg","width":1380,"height":920,"caption":"20 years after the entry into force of the Rome Statute on 1 July 2002, the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague continues to offer an unfinished prospect of justice. \u00a9 ICC-CPI"},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/102866-icc-20-elusive-success-double-standards-ukraine-moment.html#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"The ICC at 20: elusive success, double standards and the \u201cUkraine moment\u201d"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#website","url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/","name":"JusticeInfo.net","description":"For justice to be done, it must be seen","publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#organization"},"potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"Organization","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#organization","name":"Justice Info","url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/justiceinfo_logo-trans_1200x1200px.png","contentUrl":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/justiceinfo_logo-trans_1200x1200px.png","width":1199,"height":1200,"caption":"Justice Info"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/"},"sameAs":["https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/JusticeInfo\/","https:\/\/x.com\/justiceinfonet","https:\/\/www.linkedin.com\/company\/justice-info","https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/channel\/UCyCEsARodyuWtkWyhn-e7pA"]},{"@type":"Person","name":"Reed Brody","url":"\/en\/?s=Reed Brody"}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/102866","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/64"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=102866"}],"version-history":[{"count":10,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/102866\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":102906,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/102866\/revisions\/102906"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/102852"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=102866"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=102866"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=102866"},{"taxonomy":"ji_location","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ji_location?post=102866"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}