{"id":123167,"date":"2023-10-13T11:04:35","date_gmt":"2023-10-13T09:04:35","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/?p=123167"},"modified":"2023-10-13T11:09:37","modified_gmt":"2023-10-13T09:09:37","slug":"weak-hope-icc-investigation-palestine","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/123167-weak-hope-icc-investigation-palestine.html","title":{"rendered":"The weak hope of an ICC investigation into Palestine"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

The situation in Palestine has been on the books of the International Criminal Court long before the recent violence in and around Gaza. Critics of the slow pace and lack of information on the investigations by the Office of the Prosecutor have increased when so much was done and publicised on their work in Ukraine. Can the ICC now be more engaged and relevant?<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

Against the backdrop of horrendous images from Israeli towns attacked by Palestinian military organisation Hamas and the declaration of war by Israel on residents of the Gaza Strip, the slow-moving investigation by the International Criminal Court (ICC)<\/a> into alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in the occupied Palestinian territories has hardly been mentioned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

By contrast with the Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 when multiple countries referred the matter immediately to the ICC<\/a> office of the prosecutor, no states have called on the ICC prosecutor to now step up his work on Palestine and provide accountability for alleged crimes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the Palestinian Authority lobbied to become a member of the court after Israeli incursions in 2008 and 2009, it became part of a multi-pronged strategy of lawfare and state-building. The aim was to pressure Israel in international fora, provide an alternative mechanism to the bogged down peace process, assert Palestinian sovereignty and potentially provide redress for some of the victims of Israeli occupation and brutal military interventions in Palestinian territories of West Bank and Gaza.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Since that time, the ICC\u2019s engagement with repeated violations of international human rights in the occupied Palestinian territories has limped along<\/a>, culminating in an investigation apparently on the back burner, showing no concrete results.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A chorus of voices continues to contrast the international community\u2019s emphasis on accountability for international crimes committed in Ukraine with those of Palestine. The rumblings of critics have become louder after the indictment of Vladimir Putin. They essentially asked: Why such mobilisation and unusual capacity to complete an investigation when it targets a political adversary of Western powerful states and main contributors to the ICC, and such a lack of courage and resources on the situation in Palestine? Now the prosecutor faces multiple calls from the NGO and human rights communities for his office\u2019s full engagement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Prosecutors passing the buck<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

It was the ICC\u2019s second prosecutor Fatou Bensouda (2012-2021) who declared in 2019 that \u201cwar crimes have been or are being committed in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip\u201d. The court officially opened the investigation<\/a> into the situation in Palestine in 2021. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Her predecessor Luis Moreno Ocampo had explained his hands were tied until Palestine became a recognized state at the UN. But after the state of Palestine became a full member of the court in 2015, its officials began to submit reams of evidence. Bensouda added the situation to her preliminary examinations. She continued to warn<\/a> all parties after opening her investigation into Palestine, while admitting that the situation was  \"politically fraught\" and surrounded by \u201crhetoric\u201d and \u201cmisinformation\u201d. During every flare up and incursion since the ICC became involved, war crimes have been alleged and calls for the court to investigate have been consistent. But Bensouda had also kicked her own investigation into the long grass by asking ICC judges<\/a> to first rule on the precise parameters of the court\u2019s authority. The judges\u2019 February 2021 ruling<\/a> confirmed jurisdiction over the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem since June 2014. It came as the court\u2019s third prosecutor Karim Khan was preparing to take office.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Khan established the first prosecution team to start assessing the evidence. But with no public pronouncements, no details of which specific crimes the court might address, observers have become increasingly critical of the ICC investigation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The unknown scope of investigations<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

There were many instances of alleged serious crimes since 2014, and the current war in Gaza involves thousands of victims and individual incidents. But the Office of the Prosecutor refuses to be drawn on what it may investigate. \u201cI can't tell you what our lines of inquiry are in any of our situations. It's not just about Palestine. We don't really share openly what we're looking at for good reason. Not only do we not want to take away the security and the protection that we provide for witnesses in particular areas, but we certainly don't want to tip anyone off as to what we're looking at a particular time. I can say that the court has very clearly said that the ICC has jurisdiction over the West Bank. But as to the lines in the inquiry, I'm sorry we never share those in relation to any of our situations,\u201d Deputy Prosecutor Nazhat Khan (no relation to Karim Khan) told Justice Info in August.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Some elements, however, can be discerned based on previous statements by the Prosecutor\u2019s Office. To support Bensouda\u2019s request on geographical determination to the judges, her Office outlined the range of crimes<\/a> it would investigate during the Israeli operation against Gaza in 2014. \u201cOn the basis of the available information, there is a reasonable basis to believe that war crimes were committed in the context of the 2014 hostilities in Gaza,\u201d it said. The Prosecution was careful to point to both Israeli and Hamas alleged crimes stating that there \u201cis a reasonable basis to believe that members of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) committed the war crimes of intentionally launching disproportionate attacks\u201d and that \u201cthere is a reasonable basis to believe that members of Hamas and Palestinian armed groups committed the war crimes\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the current conflict alleged war crimes committed by all sides would be likely to come into focus, including actions by Hamas fighters in killing civilians and taking civilian hostages, and indiscriminate bombing by Israeli forces or, potentially, the cutting of power and food supplies to the Gaza Strip. Although there will be multiple challenges, including finding specific evidence to clearly prove which individuals and especially which individual commanders can be held to account, as the ICC is usually called to focus on the most responsible.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Body
Victims of the Hamas attack in the Israeli town of Sderot are covered with a sheet on 7 October 2023. \u00a9 Oren Ziv \/ AFP<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

The challenge of admissibility<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Recent developments in trials in European countries of former Syrian fighters<\/a> have shown how social media evidence can be used to build cases of war crimes and crimes against humanity, beyond membership of organisations defined as terrorist.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another major challenge to ICC investigations is the assessment of whether there are local efforts to sanction individuals and hold them to account for their actions, since the Court can theoretically only claim jurisdiction when domestic justice systems didn\u2019t or couldn\u2019t act. In 2019 the Office of the Prosecutor assessed that in the case of Hamas \u201cpotential cases concerning crimes allegedly committed by members of Hamas and PAGs [Palestinian armed groups] would currently be admissible\u201d, but for the IDF, monitoring of proceedings before Israeli courts would be needed. \u201cThe Office notes that due to limited accessible information in relation to proceedings that have been undertaken and the existence of pending proceedings in relation to other allegations, the Office\u2019s admissibility assessment in terms of the scope and genuineness of relevant domestic proceedings remains ongoing,\u201d wrote the ICC Prosecutor. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yuval Shany, professor at Hebrew University of Jerusalem, points out that the military authorities have \u201cbeen much more transparent in actually putting out their information concerning legal proceedings, investigations\u201d and \u201cthe military attorney general has published update reports about investigations\u201d. But the long-term political backdrop in Israel is of challenges to judicial independence which would potentially affect an ICC assessment of the genuine nature of accountability for IDF commanders. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the most documented situations in history<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

In addition, Bensouda\u2019s office had concluded to \u201ca reasonable basis to believe that in the context of Israel\u2019s occupation of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, members of the Israeli authorities have committed war crimes\u201d such as \u201cthe transfer of Israeli civilians into the West Bank since 13 June 2014.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is the context, human rights campaigners argue, for the systematic violence and the killings - the Israeli occupation and the building of settlements in the West Bank. \u201cThe situation in Palestine in general, especially settlements, is perhaps one of the most documented in modern history,\u201d says Ahmed Abofoul from Palestinian human rights organisation Al-Haq. \u201cThe admissibility test is already determined and there is no need to collect hard evidence. It can be proven without having access to the territory\u201d, he continues. \u201cSatellite imagery can show the grand lines and where Israel transfers its population\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The current actions have been preceded by increasing bouts of violence especially in the West Bank. Omar Shakir from Human Rights Watch, an American NGO, describes \u201cunprecedented\u201d numbers with a \u201cspike in killings of Palestinians in the West Bank\u201d, when looking back over the last 18 months. He points out that \u201c2022 saw more killings of Palestinians in the West Bank than in any year since the U.N. began systematically reporting data on fatalities.\u201d Even before the Hamas actions and Israeli counter-attack, 2023 was \u201con pace to exceed that.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Trying to explain delays<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

So why is the ICC taking so long? Abofoul suggests \u201cthat perhaps the Office of the Prosecutor is looking to do a mapping of all crimes and perhaps try to target some crimes that underline the different violations that are being committed\u201d \u2013 which \u201cmight be an argument why it's taking long.\u201d But, he says, \u201cto be honest, it's not really convincing.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From a practical perspective it is instructive to look at the ICC budget allocation to the Palestine investigation. It went up to nearly 1 million Euro a year under Karim Khan\u2019s prosecutorship, which is at the lower end of allocated resources, especially for such a large and complex and continuing situation. There are requests for increased staffing, witness protection, some outreach and some activity by the court\u2019s Trust Fund for Victims, but no indications of a significant increase in proposed budget documents. There\u2019s no sense \u201cthat there will be development in the Palestine investigation,\u201d says Abofoul.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The UN Human Rights Council\u2019s special rapporteur on Palestine Francesca Albanese believes the investigation is \u201cunderstaffed and under-resourced\u201d and apparently \u201cstuck\u201d. She joined with fellow special rapporteurs earlier this year expressing their concern for the state of the investigation<\/a> and calling for \u201cmore resources to be dedicated\u201d to it. They also presented again what they described as \u201csolid evidence of allegations of human rights violations that may have been committed intentionally and systematically\u201d. Nazhat Khan, however, says that while her Office has received has \u201can enormous amount of information and of very, very committed and dedicated reports,\u201d that \u201cwe live in the world of evidence.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe have received a response to our concerns,\u201d Albanese told Justice Info, \u201cbut it is not a response that indicates or suggests availability for a dialogue\u201d. She continued: \u201c<\/em>If I compare what's happening to the situation in Palestine at the ICC now with how it appeared with the previous prosecutors, I see that the communities, the groups who have made the submissions feel that loss. Not communicating, not gaining a sense of progress from the Office of the Prosecutor sends the message that the situation does not warrant attention. This is degrading for the victims who have no other recourse to justice and accountability, but it is also rewarding for the architect and executioner of all of this.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lack of access?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

For his part Karim Khan has complained, while speaking at the British Institute of International and Comparative Law<\/a>, about what he sees as the \u201ccomplete disconnect between the reality and the polemics\u201d in the critiques of his office\u2019s approach to the investigation in Palestine. \u201cWhen I inherited the office,\u201d he says, \u201cthere wasn't even a team\u201d for Palestine. \u201cI've got to try to manage the resources we've got effectively, and Palestine and Israel have not been forgotten.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the issues potentially making it more difficult for the court to act is lack of access. No representatives of the court have officially engaged on the ground with either Israeli or Palestinian authorities. Nazhat Khan says it is a priority for the office: \u201cDiscussions with local authorities, local judiciaries, members of the bar, NGOs and civil society are so valuable and I hope that the prosecutor is able to visit. We will leave no stone unturned to enable that process.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Abofoul, however, argues that the ICC Prosecutor has access to all the evidence he needs. \u201cCertain crimes in Palestine don't even need access to the territory. And that's why this excuse, if I can put it this way, becomes not really convincing.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n

\r\n\t\t\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\t
Recommended reading<\/div>\r\n\t\t\t
\"Palestinians<\/div><\/a>\r\n\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\tThe ten obstacles the ICC prosecutor faces in investigating Palestine\r\n\t\t<\/a>\r\n\t\t\r\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The situation in Palestine has been on the books of the International Criminal Court long before the recent violence in and around Gaza. Critics of the slow pace and lack of information on the investigations by the Office of the Prosecutor have increased when so much was done and publicised on their work in Ukraine. […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":79,"featured_media":123150,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[562],"tags":[2653,2683],"ji_location":[2285,2403],"class_list":["post-123167","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-icc","tag-crime-against-humanity","tag-war-crime","ji_location-israel","ji_location-palestine"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nICC investigation into Palestine: can we still believe in it?<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"In the light of current situation between Palestine and Israel, can the International Criminal Court (ICC) now be more engaged and relevant?\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" 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