{"id":126876,"date":"2024-01-11T11:06:05","date_gmt":"2024-01-11T10:06:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/?p=126876"},"modified":"2024-02-12T19:06:18","modified_gmt":"2024-02-12T18:06:18","slug":"controversy-intermediaries-icc-yekatom-trial","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/126876-controversy-intermediaries-icc-yekatom-trial.html","title":{"rendered":"The controversy on \u201cintermediaries\u201d hits back in the ICC Yekatom trial"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Alfred Yekatom's defence opened its case early December in The Hague, with a couple of witnesses and a heavy artillery charge against the International Criminal Court prosecutor, accused of having once again used intermediaries and turned a blind eye to a falsified birth certificate. The trial is due to resume on 15 January.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

\u201cHe held his word, he said \u2018now it is the time to not have conflict among us but just to respect each other.\u201d This is what the first defence witness in the Alfred Yekatom case recalled of what the defendant said in the prefecture of Lobaye, in the Central African Republic (CAR), at the time of the events judged at the International Criminal Court (ICC)<\/a> in the Hague.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In 2014, Yekatom was a caporal chef of the Central African army (FACA). Bishop Rino [full name was withheld for safety reasons] in his testimony on 11 December 2023 said that everyone in the town of Mbaiki, where he was running the diocese, was expecting him to come \u201cto get revenge\u201d against the Muslim after the bloody takeover of the Seleka, a predominantly Muslim religious ethnic coalition that ruled CAR between March 2013 and January 2014. But the Italian bishop said in court that Yekatom came and \u201cspoke well of the order he wanted to establish\u201d and of \u201ca good security situation on both sides\u201d, meaning for the Muslim and non-Muslim population.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yekatom is charged with war crimes and crimes against humanity for organising and overseeing atrocities committed by a group of around 3,000 combatants operating within the Anti-balaka, a self-defence group that opposed the Seleka. The crimes were allegedly carried out between 5 December 2013 and August 2014 in the capital Bangui and the Lobaye area, and include murder, deportation, intentional attack against the civilian population and recruitment of child soldiers. The prosecution said that Yekatom was part of a common plan<\/a> targeting the Muslim population, with his co-accused Patrice-Edouard Nga\u00efssona, allegedly the most senior leader of the Anti-balaka militia. The trial opened<\/a> in February 2021 and both men pleaded not guilty. Nga\u00efssona has already presented its defense.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cYekatom tried to bring back peace and security\u201d<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Myl\u00e8ne Dimitri, Yekatom\u2019s lawyer, announced a total of 17 witnesses. \u201cYekatom\u2019s goal was to oust the Seleka and mercenaries, to try to bring back peace and security for civilians,\u201d she said in her opening statements on November 28. \u201cHe did not target the Muslim civilian population\u201d and \u201cthere was no common plan in Mr Yekatom's group,\u201d she added. The picture Dimitri painted in court is one of \u201cchaos\u201d, where \u201cthe hatred of the civilian population kept growing and it divided communities.\u201d And, as described earlier by CAR\u2019s former Prime Minister Nicolas Tiangaye, \u201cthe country was in a situation that was out of control.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this \u201ccrisis situation\u201d, continued Dimitri, Yekatom \u201cdid not have the control over the people who were not able to control their anger and who attacked Muslims.\u201d Defence witnesses will testify of how he \u201ctried to protect the Muslims\u201d, she said. Dimitri acknowledged the great suffering of the Central African people, \u201cthe Christians, the animists, the Muslims\u201d, but to her the vision brought by the prosecutor of \u201cAnti-balaka members versus Muslims, Seleka versus Christians\u201d is a very \u201csimplistic one\u201d, that has ignored \u201cexculpatory evidence.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yekatom looked into his computer and took notes, while bishop Rino talked about a \u201cSaint-Jeanne d'Arc meeting\u201d in Mbaiki, when after a year of occupation the Seleka left. The bishop organized it to \u201ccreate dialogue and try and find solutions to have free movement of people and live in peace\u201d after people sheltered inside their homes out of fear for the Seleka, said Rino. In contrast to everyone\u2019s expectations, in front of community leaders and authorities gathered next to the church, Yekatom spoke of the equal treatment of all communities and of the \u201crespect\u201d and \u201corder\u201d he wanted to establish. \u201cI said, you spoke very well here but now you have to repeat it in front of the people at the city hall,\u201d recalled the bishop. And Yekatom went and spread the same message to the crowd gathered there. \u201cThe fact they knew they had a chief like Rambo [popular nickname for Yekatom],\u201d said Rino, meant that the Lobaye area \u201csuffered less damage than elsewhere.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The prosecutor\u2019s intermediaries strike again<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

In the second part of her opening remarks, Dimitri focused on \u201cfalse testimonies\u201d, allegedly provided by \u201ca prosecution intermediary\u201d and other witnesses, to poke holes in the main prosecution theory. This accusation comes after the recent decision by the Office of the Prosecutor to drop its case against Maxime Mokom<\/a>, a Central African politician. Yekatom and Mokom were \u201cboth apparently linked through the prosecution's so-called strategic common plan,\u201d said Dimitri, arguing that the allegations that Yekatom \u201cpicked weapons from Maxime Mokom\u201d had therefore \u201ccollapsed.\u201d

Dimitri pointed to \u201cintermediary 2580\u201d, who she alleged had falsified a baptism certificate concerning \u201cwitness 2475.\u201d She described this protected witness as the prosecution\u2019s \u201cstar witness, [an] alleged child soldier\u201d though he had \u201cfabricated evidence and lied under oath.\u201d She said her team has checked parish records to establish the falsification of a birth date \u2013 modified from 1994 to 1999. For her, other organs of the ICC supporting witnesses have become complicit in this lie, which \u201cspread the virus.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe prosecution kept dancing around this issue, failing to meaningfully test 2475's central claim to have been a child soldier,\u201d Dimitri argued.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Not surprisingly, Dimitri harked back to the first ICC trial, of Congolese rebel leader Thomas Lubanga on charges of enlisting child soldiers - one of the counts levelled against Yekatom. That trial was marked by the controversial intermediaries, recalls Catherine Mabille, Lubanga\u2019s defence lawyer, in an interview with Justice Info. The prosecution\u2018s first witness in that trial, an alleged former child soldier, abruptly changed his story during his testimony, saying that he had been coached on what to say in court by one of the prosecution\u2019s intermediaries. But despite the judges\u2019 request to the prosecution to charge those responsible for interfering with witness testimony, the then prosecutor Fatou Bensouda did not do so later, because \u2013 as she wrote<\/a> \u2013 it would not make any difference to the guilty verdict against Lubanga because it was not based on the false testimony. That lack of consequences, says Mabille, is \u201cwhy I\u2019m not surprised\u201d to hear about the problem recurring.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cStuck with the good, the bad and the ugly\u201d<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The issue of intermediaries was also part of the collapse of the cases against senior Kenyan politicians. Michael Karnavas, the defence lawyer for late Kenyan lawyer Paul Gicheru<\/a>, a case where the question of intermediaries would have been central, points out that when the current ICC prosecutor Karim Khan was defence counsel for Kenya\u2019s then vice president William Ruto, he \u201cjumped up and down in court\u201d and even \u201ccalled for an independent investigator\u201d into witness tampering by intermediaries. The prosecution did initiate cases around the Kenya collapse. One, still outstanding, is against Walter Barasa, a prosecution intermediary and journalist, for allegedly offering money to prosecution witnesses to withdraw testimony. In 2014, a defence witness for Khan\u2019s client was found dead. The prosecution had named<\/a> the witness as an intermediary in an alleged scheme to corrupt witnesses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As the issue re-emerges in the Yekatom trial, Karnavas suggests that \u201cdue diligence\u201d does not seem to have been followed. \u201cThis is harsh,\u201d he says, but \u201cI think part of it is wilful blindness. If it\u2019s music they want to hear, they go along with it.\u201d He points out that the Office of the prosecutor was previously split into investigative and trial teams so that at trial, the trial lawyers \u201cget stuck with the good, the bad and the ugly.\u201d Therefore, he says, it\u2019s up to the lead counsel to recheck and recognise \u201cif something too good to be true, it\u2019s not true.\u201d Of course, this begs a question according to Karnavas: how does the defence find out more than the prosecution? \u201cWe are in a rowing boat, they are an armada,\u201d in terms of resources, he says. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The trauma of past acquittals<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Despite the difficult history of the prosecution\u2019s use of intermediaries \u201cthey did it again,\u201d argues Dimitri, telling the trial chamber that the Office of the prosecutor delegated their investigative responsibilities to witness 2580 \u201cwithout meaningful supervision.\u201d Because \u201cit's so scandalous,\u201d she says, the defence will \u201cfile a motion for exclusion of evidence.\u201d Contacted by Justice Info, the Office of the prosecutor answered in writing that \u201cthe prosecutor has placed significant emphasis on the need for the Office to effectively implement article 54 of the Rome Statute requiring the collection of both incriminating and exonerating evidence equally.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"This court was a source of immense hope for the victims of serious crimes committed in the Central African Republic. What we fear is that there is only a succession of acquittals at the ICC,\u201d wrote Evrard Bondad\u00e9, secretary general of the NGO Central African Human Rights Observatory, to Justice Info\u2019s correspondent in CAR. Bondad\u00e9 referred to the 2021 acquittal of Jean-Pierre Bemba, a former vice-president of Congo prosecuted for crimes committed in CAR, and to the recent dropping of charges in the Mokom case. \u201cAs a result, the victims do not have enough confidence in the International Criminal Court. They are still thirsty.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n

\r\n\t\t\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\t
Recommended reading<\/div>\r\n\t\t\t
\"Kweku<\/div><\/a>\r\n\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\tCAR-II: ICC prosecutor bets to demonstrate plans in a messy civil war\r\n\t\t<\/a>\r\n\t\t\r\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Alfred Yekatom's defence opened its case early December in The Hague, with a couple of witnesses and a heavy artillery charge against the International Criminal Court prosecutor, accused of having once again used intermediaries and turned a blind eye to a falsified birth certificate. 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