{"id":129383,"date":"2024-03-11T06:57:13","date_gmt":"2024-03-11T05:57:13","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/?p=129383"},"modified":"2024-03-11T06:57:16","modified_gmt":"2024-03-11T05:57:16","slug":"sanctions-colombia-justice-process-how-to-get-it-right","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/129383-sanctions-colombia-justice-process-how-to-get-it-right.html","title":{"rendered":"Sanctions in Colombia\u2019s justice process: How to get it right"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

The way Colombia\u2019s Special Jurisdiction for Peace will impose sanctions on individuals it has held responsible for serious crimes is crucial to the whole transitional justice model. And it is yet to be clarified by the tribunal. Human Rights Watch Juanita Goebertus and Juan Pappier lay down the principles that presided over the peace agreement. And call all stakeholders \u2013 the court, the government, and the United Nations \u2013 to take responsibility.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

Demobilized former top commanders of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerrillas recently criticized<\/a> publicly the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP)<\/a>, the judicial branch of the country\u2019s transitional justice<\/a> system, claiming that judges were departing from the 2016 peace accord.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Among other critiques listed in two letters sent to President Gustavo Petro and former FARC members between February 7th<\/sup> and 19th<\/sup>, the former commanders raised seemingly preemptive concerns about the \u201csanctions\u201d that the Special Jurisdiction has yet to impose. Putting in place these sanctions, that is, the penalties that will attach to individual admissions of responsibility, will be a critical test for the credibility of the transitional court system. So, it\u2019s worth reminding the former FARC commanders \u2014 and everyone \u2014 what Colombia\u2019s peace accord lays out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Under the peace accord<\/a>, those responsible for serious abuses who promptly confess to their crimes, tell the truth, and offer reparations will not be subject to prison terms, but to 5 to 8 years of \u201cspecial sanctions.\u201d Those who fail to cooperate with the justice system or to contribute to victims\u2019 rights, or do so belatedly, may receive between 5 and 20 years in prison.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As the accord made clear, these special sanctions involve a reparative component \u2014 consisting of \u201ctasks, work or activities with a reparative content\u201d \u2014 and a retributive component of \u201ceffective restriction on liberty.\u201d These are not, as the former FARC commanders suggest in their letter, solely \u201crestorative sanctions.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A \u201cvery strict\u201d supervision<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

While the accord was intentionally ambiguous about the \u201ceffective restrictions on liberty,\u201d it detailed several requirements. The accord establishes that there should be \u201csuitable monitoring and supervision mechanisms\u201d by the UN Mission in Colombia and the JEP to ensure the \u201cgood faith compliance with the restrictions.\u201d Analyzing JEP\u2019s procedural law, the Constitutional Court said that this supervision should be \u201cvery strict\u201d and carried out with \u201cindependence and impartiality.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The original accord was rejected when a slim majority of Colombians voted against it in an October 2016 plebiscite. When the accord was renegotiated, the parties agreed to include additional requirements<\/a>. Among them, they agreed to \u201cterritorial areas\u201d where people serving sentences would stay, as well as to restrict their \u201cplace of residence\u2026for as long as the sanction is implemented.\u201d The accord indicates that the \u201cterritorial spaces\u201d must have a \u201cmaximum size equivalent to the Transitional Local Zones for Normalization,\u201d the areas where FARC members disarmed, which were between 5 and 15 hectares. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The renegotiated accord noted that the JEP is required to authorize \u201cany travel by the sanctioned individual to deal with matters other than complying with the sanction.\u201d The Constitutional Court said that this mechanism should not be \u201clax or uncontrolled, nor one of liberality,\u201d but should rather \u201cobey very strict and authorized rules.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The former FARC commanders seem to be worried that the sanctions will be too strict. But, if anything, there\u2019s reason to be concerned that these may be too lenient.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Government, judiciary, UN: who\u2019s prepared?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Colombia appears to lack the necessary preparations to put these sanctions in practice. In rulings regarding both the military and the FARC, the JEP expressed concern about lack of state funding and \u201cinstitutional support\u201d to carry out the sanctions. The administration of President Petro, who has vowed to carry out the peace accord and urged the Special Jurisdiction to do so too<\/a>, only included vague references to the special sanctions in its 2022-2026 national development plan<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the same time, the Special Jurisdiction appears to have dragged its feet in its internal discussions on how to address the ambiguities regarding the sanctions in the accord\u2014and prepare for carrying them out. And the UN Mission in Colombia, which is required to supervise compliance, says it may not supervise all sanctions, but only focus on \u201ctrends\u201d and \u201cconcrete individual cases.\u201d<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Imposing \u201cspecial sanctions\u201d is challenging \u2014 legally, politically, and logistically. But all stakeholders need to take this challenge seriously and without any further delay, as the rights of victims of heinous abuses by both the FARC and the military hinge on it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Special Jurisdiction has taken some landmark steps to ensure accountability for these abuses. The judges have charged FARC top commanders of hostage-taking and accused senior members of the military for their responsibility in \u201cfalse positive\u201d extrajudicial executions. But its credibility as a mechanism seeking to deliver at least a minimal degree of justice for victims of abuses by all parties to the conflict may be seriously damaged if it does not deliver meaningful sanctions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Avoid misleading messages<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Failing to properly implement the special sanctions should raise concerns at the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC)<\/a>, which closed its preliminary examination on Colombia in 2021. In 2017, then prosecutor Fatou Bensouda said in an amicus brief<\/a> to Colombia\u2019s Constitutional Court that while the Rome Statute does not prescribe a specific \u201ctype or length\u201d of sanctions for international crimes, these should seek to serve the general sentencing objectives of \u201cdeterrence, retribution, rehabilitation and restitution.\u201d She said that fulfilling these objectives would hinge, among others, on the \u201ceffective implementation of the restrictions\u201d and ensuring a \u201crigorous verification system.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When current prosecutor Karim Khan closed the examination on Colombia in 2021<\/a>, he signed a cooperation agreement with the government<\/a> noting that his office may reconsider the closing of the investigation on the basis of \u201cany significant change in circumstances\u201d including, among others, measures affecting the \u201cenforcement of effective and proportionate penal sanctions of a retributive and restorative nature.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Failing to properly implement the special sanctions would also send a misleading message to the National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrillas and other armed groups that are currently conducting peace talks with the Colombian government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Foreign governments that have supported the peace process in Colombia, such as the European Union and the Biden administration, should push for the Special Jurisdiction and the Colombian government to make progress on this critical aspect of the justice component of the accord\u2014and support meaningful efforts to do so.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Respecting the peace accord requires respecting its provisions on sanctions too.<\/p>\n\n\n

\r\n\t\t\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\t
Recommended reading<\/div>\r\n\t\t\t
\"A<\/div><\/a>\r\n\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\tThe original internal sin of Colombia\u2019s JEP\r\n\t\t<\/a>\r\n\t\t\r\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\n\n
\r\n\t

\"JuanitaJUANITA GOEBERTUS<\/strong><\/p>\n

Juanita Goebertus is the Americas director at Human Rights Watch. Between 2012 and 2016, she participated in the Colombian government delegation in the peace talks negotiations that led to the 2016 peace accord.<\/p>\n

\n

\"JuanJUAN PAPPIER<\/strong><\/p>\n

Juan Pappier is the deputy Americas director at Human Rights Watch, where he conducted research on Colombia between 2016 and 2022.<\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The way Colombia\u2019s Special Jurisdiction for Peace will impose sanctions on individuals it has held responsible for serious crimes is crucial to the whole transitional justice model. And it is yet to be clarified by the tribunal. Human Rights Watch Juanita Goebertus and Juan Pappier lay down the principles that presided over the peace agreement. […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":117,"featured_media":129376,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[566,567],"tags":[2680],"ji_location":[2177],"class_list":["post-129383","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-national-tribunals","category-opinion","tag-special-jurisdiction-peace","ji_location-colombia"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nColombia: how to combine peace and sanctions for serious crimes<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"The way Colombia\u2019s Special Jurisdiction for Peace will impose sanctions on individuals it has held responsible for serious crimes is crucial to the whole transitional justice model. 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