{"id":133797,"date":"2024-07-01T10:37:56","date_gmt":"2024-07-01T08:37:56","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/?p=133797"},"modified":"2024-07-01T10:37:58","modified_gmt":"2024-07-01T08:37:58","slug":"when-war-becomes-illegal","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/133797-when-war-becomes-illegal.html","title":{"rendered":"When war becomes illegal"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

What do the International Criminal Court arrest warrants for the attacks on power plants in Ukraine tell us about the possible prosecution of war at international courts?\u00a0After the ICC prosecutor issued two more warrants against Russian top officials, experts explain how this kind of war crimes have remained uncharted legal grounds. And how it may resonate with the Gaza situation.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

On June 25 the International Criminal Court (ICC)<\/a> has issued arrest warrants for Sergei Shoigu, the former Russian defence minister, and leading Russian general Valery Gerasimov, for war crimes and crimes against humanity for directing attacks against civilians and civilian objects in Ukraine. This move follows two earlier arrest warrant applications for other senior Russian commanders<\/a> for the same allegations, more specifically attacks against the power grid. \u201cIt's part of the larger puzzle that this [ICC] prosecutor isn't focusing on \u2018low-hanging fruit\u2019,\u201d says Janina Dill, professor of global security at Oxford university<\/a>. \u201cHe's going after conduct of hostilities and he's going after the top of the chain of command.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Judges found<\/a> there were \"reasonable grounds to believe that the two suspects bear responsibility for missile strikes carried out by the Russian armed forces against the Ukrainian electric infrastructure\" between October 10, 2022, and at least March 9, 2023.\u201d \u00a0Russia has repeatedly said Ukraine's energy infrastructure is a legitimate military target and denies targeting civilians or civilian infrastructure.\u00a0But according to ICC judges, there were reasonable grounds to believe the strikes targeted mostly civilian objects.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Lidiia Volkova, a lead legal adviser at Global Rights Compliance (GRC), an NGO working in Ukraine alongside the office of the prosecutor general, says \u201cmost of the attacks took place in cold season, when the civilian population generally is more dependent on electricity supply.\u201d According to her, \u201csome cases reviewed by GRC specialists contained information according to which energy supply at least in certain power plants was used only by civilians.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Civilian vs military objects<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

\u201cIf they can show that these electrical facilities were civilian objects, that they weren't being used for military purposes at all, then it should be relatively straightforward\u201d that it would violate the principle in international humanitarian law of \u201cdistinction\u201d, says Adil Haque, professor of international law at Rutgers University<\/a>. Haque notes that ICC prosecutor Karim Khan is \u201cseeking warrants both for directing attacks against civilian objects, which is a violation of distinction, and, barring that, disproportionate attacks.\u201d This means Khan intends to show that \u201cthese were not dual use [military and civilian] objects, that these electrical facilities were not contributing in an effective and significant way to Ukraine's war effort and damaging or destroying them would not have yielded definite military advantage.\u201d But if necessary \u201cthe prosecutor has an argument in the alternative, which is that even if some of these facilities were military objectives, the foreseeable harm to civilians would have rendered the attacks excessive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ICC judges have indeed considered that \"for those installations that may have qualified as military objectives at the relevant time, the expected incidental civilian harm and damage would have been clearly excessive to the anticipated military advantage\", making the attacks war crimes. Volkova points out that \u201cin different regions of Ukraine civilians were left without electricity from several hours to days, which also affected water and heating supplies, public transportation, as well as the work of health services.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

What proves proportionality?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

This is where it gets tough, explains Dill. For these dual targets, Khan needs to establish that these attacks criminally violated the principle of proportionality. \u201cHe would then have to engage in a quite difficult task of saying: what is the reasonably anticipated military advantage from this strike? And what is the reasonably anticipated civilian harm? For civilian harm, particularly when it comes to power plants, it raises another very interesting question, because it may not be that these civilian casualties from the strike itself are \u2018clearly excessive\u2019. But that in order to come to a judgement of a clearly excessive, anticipated civilian harm, you have to take into account a sort of second order effect of the strike,\u201d Dill says. For instance, for a power plant in the middle of winter, such effect would be \u201cthat vulnerable civilians will die because they can't heat their rooms, because hospitals are out of power, etc.\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n

One relevant element Volkova says the judges may consider is that \u201cthe Russian Federation was targeting power generation as well as its distribution networks all over the territory of Ukraine and, usually, very far from the frontlines.\u201d Therefore, she says, \u201cit can be deduced that the main goals of the attacks were to cause damage to civilian infrastructure, energy distribution, and diminish public morale.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cClearly\u201d disproportionate<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThere is a fair bit of consensus on what an illegal, disproportionate attack looks like, but that extra question of what is it that actually makes it criminally disproportionate, we just really don't know,\u201d says Dill.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The ICC itself is governed by the Rome Statute which also added the word \u2018clearly\u2019 when describing what constitutes a criminally disproportionate attack. \u201cAnd so there's even a question whether we should understand that as meaning there's a higher bar under the Rome Statute to qualify a disproportionate attack compared to customary international law or the ICTY,\u201d Dills continues. \u201cThe fact that the prosecutor is going for these conduct of hostility crimes first means that he is not shying away from prosecuting that which is supposedly hard to prosecute. But in some sense, there's a lot of room for him to develop the doctrine and our understanding of what it actually looks like to wage war in a manner that is illegal and criminal, particularly what an attack where the anticipated collateral damage is clearly excessive in relation to the military advantage looks like.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Implications on the Israel\/Palestine situation<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

So far in the Israel\/Palestine investigation, also at the ICC, the prosecutor has focused on other crimes: hostage-taking by Hamas and starvation by the Israeli side. But the Ukraine arrest warrants could also serve as templates for further charges against senior Hamas or Israeli officials. Haque cautions of some obstacles though. \u201cAgain, it's not enough to see the consequences on the ground. You need to be able to attribute conduct to a particular party in the armed conflict, and then up the chain of command to a defendant who is worth going after. So even if a rocket falls within Israel, the prosecutor still needs to know if it was fired by Hamas or Islamic Jihad or some other group and then work up the chain of command.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Diamond speculates that there could \u201calso be more evidence coming from soldiers to speak out about what they did\u201d.\u00a0He believes that it \u201cwon't be possible to build a comprehensive case in relation to the vast majority of the attacks\u201d but that \u201cthere will be some significant evidence\u201d that the decision to attack certain civilian objects had clear ramifications for civilians that should have been foreseen, and that it suggested \u201cthat there was a disregard for these basic principles that are supposed to regulate the conduct of hostilities.\u201d\u00a0He is specifically mentioning reports on the artificial intelligence supplied targeting systems, which have been denied by the Israeli authorities. \u201dIf they are true, that the system was designed in such a way that it would identify as a target an individual in circumstances where it was foreseen that it would also kill tens of people\u00a0around that individual, if those kinds of incidents aren\u2019t recognised as a violation of the principle of proportionality, then I really don't understand what the principle is.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe may still expect more to come for Israel-Palestine,\u201d believes Dill. \u201cAt minimum, we know that the ICC prosecutor doesn't think conduct hostility crimes are too difficult to prosecute. That is actually clear at this point.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n

\r\n\t\t\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\t
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What do the International Criminal Court arrest warrants for the attacks on power plants in Ukraine tell us about the possible prosecution of war at international courts?\u00a0After the ICC prosecutor issued two more warrants against Russian top officials, experts explain how this kind of war crimes have remained uncharted legal grounds. And how it may […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":79,"featured_media":133792,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[562],"tags":[2683],"ji_location":[2533],"class_list":["post-133797","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-icc","tag-war-crime","ji_location-ukraine"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nWhen war becomes illegal<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"In Ukraine, a number of potential war crimes committed by Russian soldiers, which are being investigated by the International Criminal Court (ICC), could demonstrate the illegality of the war. 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