{"id":134347,"date":"2024-07-18T13:48:13","date_gmt":"2024-07-18T11:48:13","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/?p=134347"},"modified":"2024-07-25T17:54:35","modified_gmt":"2024-07-25T15:54:35","slug":"colombian-president-speaks-of-peace-but-glorifies-armed-struggle","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/134347-colombian-president-speaks-of-peace-but-glorifies-armed-struggle.html","title":{"rendered":"Colombian president speaks of peace but glorifies armed struggle"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Flag, hat or sword: a former member of the M-19 guerilla, Colombian President Gustavo Petro is publicly glorifying symbols of his ex-armed group. An attitude decried by victims and criticized by many Colombians, as his government is trying to negotiate peace with actual illegal armed groups.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

On April 26, while speaking at the school he graduated from five decades ago in the city of Zipaquir\u00e1, Colombian President Gustavo Petro asked to wave<\/u><\/a> a blue, white and red flag on stage. \u201cThey don\u2019t like it when we display it, right?\u201d he said, laughing. \u201cBut we\u2019re not keeping it under the mattress.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the centre of the flag lied the emblem \u2018M-19\u2019. A letter and two numbers that spell out the acronym of the April 19th Movement guerrilla, one which Petro was part of for twelve years<\/u><\/a>, until it signed a peace deal with the Virgilio Barco administration, laid down its weapons in March 1990 and morphed into a political party, under its new name M-19 Democratic Alliance. In May 1990, its presidential candidate Antonio Navarro obtained 12%, an unprecedented score in a country until then strongly bipartisan and despite the fact that their original candidate, Carlos Pizarro, had just been assassinated. Within six months, the new party had won a quarter of the seats in the historic 1991 Constituent Assembly that replaced Colombia\u2019s 19th century Constitution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But the flag Petro celebrated in Zipaquir\u00e1 didn\u2019t feature the wavy lines of the M-19 Democratic Alliance that helped modernize the country and for which he served in Congress for three years, but the horizontal stripes of the rebel group who took up arms against the state.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As Colombia\u2019s first leftist president displays and publicly celebrates several symbols linked to the defunct guerrilla, this is perceived by many Colombians as a glorification of the armed struggle, at a time when the president is unsuccessfully trying to negotiate peace with several illegal armed groups, and the country awaits the first transitional justice rulings<\/u><\/a> on war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the army and by members of another demobilized guerrilla group, the FARC.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cPresident Petro knows that the M-19 flag does not say anything respectable to the majority of Colombians; on the contrary, it represents reprehensible, even repugnant, events and stories. To use it in his capacity as president of all Colombians is insolent and above all stupid,\u201d <\/a>said<\/u><\/a> former congressman Iv\u00e1n Marulanda.<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe won\u2019t hide this flag\u201d<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

From the day he came to power in August 2022, Petro has extolled several symbols linked to the guerrilla, in which he fought under the nom de guerre<\/u><\/a> \u201cAureliano\u201d, like the lead character in Gabriel Garc\u00eda M\u00e1rquez\u2019 book, One Hundred Years of Solitude<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

His first order upon taking office was to send for<\/u><\/a> liberator Sim\u00f3n Bol\u00edvar\u2019s sword, which half a century before the M-19 stole from a museum, in its foundational performance. In January 2024, the Ministry of Cultures commemorated the 50th anniversary of the sword\u2019s \u201crecovery\u201d<\/u><\/a>, adopting the M-19 narrative of the event and organizing a conversation with two former members of the guerrilla group. Then, on April 19, Petro decreed<\/u><\/a> a civic day to save water - coinciding with the date of the M-19\u2019s founding milestone and his own birthday. A month ago, when Mexico elected Claudia Sheinbaum as its first female president, his congratulation message<\/u><\/a> emphasised that she\u2019d \u201chelped the M-19 in Mexico in its underground years\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the same time, Petro has surrounded himself in government with many former comrades in arms and party. Otty Pati\u00f1o is his peace commissioner<\/u><\/a> responsible for the eight ongoing negotiations<\/u><\/a>, while former congresswoman Vera Grabe heads talks<\/u><\/a> with the National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrilla. Gloria Quiceno is a negotiator with the Central General Staff (EMC), the largest FARC dissidence to walk away from the 2016 peace deal. Carlos Ram\u00f3n Gonz\u00e1lez heads the intelligence agency, after having been his chief of staff, and his top confidant, Augusto Rodr\u00edguez, heads the Protection Unit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But his most recurring icon has been the rebel group\u2019s flag, which Petro vehemently defends. \u201cNo, gentlemen of the oligarchy, we shall not hide this flag, we will continue raising it,\u201d he exclaimed during the May 1st march<\/u><\/a>. \u201cIt\u2019s become fashionable that, 34 years later, we cannot use the symbols of the force that became a majority by popular vote in the Constituent Assembly and birthed the current Constitution: the M19,\u201d he said<\/a> in June, mixing political party and guerrilla, as if they were the same.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Petro\u2019s ambivalences on M-19 and armed struggle<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

But despite Petro\u2019s lack of distinction, the \u201cEme\u201d\", as M-19 is colloquially called, has had two realities. One of an urban and charismatic guerrilla, -very different from the more rural ones that have predominated in Colombia-, known for its audacious coups questioning the historical and undemocratic distribution of power between two parties in Colombia. And one of painful episodes such as the 1976 kidnapping and murder of union leader Jos\u00e9 Raquel Mercado, which made it - according to the TRC <\/a>- \u201cthe first guerrilla that openly used people\u2019s freedom as an instrument to achieve political ends\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Its most notorious and tragic act was the siege of the Palace of Justice in Bogot\u00e1\u2019s central square in November 1985, in a still confusing episode that ended with a violent retaking by the army and the burning down of the judicial branch\u2019s building. A hundred <\/u><\/a>people<\/u><\/a> died, including most of the Supreme Court and State Council justices. Six military officers have been convicted for this incident described by the TRC<\/u><\/a> as \u201ca political suicide for the M-19, although this rebel group only admitted it as a military mistake\u201d. At that time, Petro was in prison<\/u><\/a>, where he served an 18-month sentence for carrying illegal arms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This ambivalence is also seen in the president\u2019s position on the armed struggle. \u201cIf we hadn\u2019t done it [taking up arms], would Colombia be more or less democratic? The answer I give myself is that it was necessary,\u201d he said in an <\/u><\/a>interview<\/u><\/a> before his election in which he defended his role in M-19 as political, adding that pacifist leaders like Nelson Mandela had also fought in guerrillas. \u201cWe had the right to rebel.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After laying down their arms in 1990, members of M-19 benefited from broad pardons, didn\u2019t face transitional justice<\/a> and, save for exceptional cases, didn\u2019t have to provide the truth, listen to their victims nor ask for forgivenes<\/u><\/a>s<\/u><\/a>. On the contrary, after the Rome Statute, other armed groups such as FARC or the paramilitaries, had to go before transitional mechanisms such as the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP)<\/a>, where they were confronted by their victims<\/u><\/a> and had to seek forgiveness. Many such leaders, like former FARC top commander Rodrigo Londo\u00f1o, <\/a>say<\/u><\/a> that armed struggle is \u201coutdated\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Pizarro\u2019s hat and Torres\u2019 cassock<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The president's ambivalence regarding armed struggle is best seen is in Petro\u2019s decision last month to commemorate the discovery of belongings of two deceased former guerrilla leaders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In mid-June, Petro announced from Sweden that he\u2019d received the straw hat worn by Carlos Pizarro when he was shot in a flight to Barranquilla in April 1990, in the middle of his electoral tour as the M-19 Democratic Alliance\u2019s first presidential candidate. He then ordered it to be recognized as national cultural heritage, ignoring the procedures<\/u><\/a> to do so. Eight days later, Petro announced<\/u><\/a> that a cassock he\u2019d received weeks earlier was the one worn six decades ago by the priest Camilo Torres before leaving the Catholic Church to joint the recently created National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrilla. \u201cMay he live on in Colombians\u2019 memory,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Pizarro and Torres were charismatic characters who have aroused fascination, but whose lives ended up symbolizing opposite reflections on the armed struggle. Pizarro, the top M-19 commander who led the group's move from weapons to votes, became one of the tragic icons of the bloodiest electoral campaign in Colombian history in which three candidates were assassinated and of the nefarious custom of assassinating those who wager on peace.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In contrast, Torres, the \u2018rebel priest\u2019 who went from defending liberation theology to taking up arms, died in his first combat against the army in 1966. In the TRC\u2019s words<\/u><\/a>, \u201che went from rejecting violence to taking up arms, given the persecution, stigmatization and risk he experienced\u201d, in a \u201cprocess of radicalization [that] inspired many\u201d. To this day, he is one of the major symbols of the ELN, a guerrilla group that not only remains in arms but has shown little willingness for peace with past governments. With Petro\u2019s own administration, they have made little progress<\/u><\/a> amid mutual recriminations and the ELN\u2019s decision in May to resume kidnapping<\/u><\/a> for economic purposes. According to the TRC, the group is responsible for 17,735 homicides and 9,538 kidnappings<\/u><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Even if there is a strong argument that Pizarro was a man of peace, the protection of his hat caused controversy<\/u><\/a>. Perhaps less for the object and more for the political context, given that his daughter Mar\u00eda Jos\u00e9, a congresswoman from Petro\u2019s party, is touted as a possible presidential candidate<\/u><\/a> for 2026 and that Petro has been proposing a new constituent assembly to replace the Constitution whose authorship he has precisely claimed. \u201cWhat\u2019s really an important and poignant symbol of peace with the M-19 is the 1991 Constitution. That\u2019s the cultural heritage we must protected and defend,\u201d wrote<\/a> novelist and essayist Juan Esteban Consta\u00edn.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Gustavo
President Gustavo Petro exhibits the hat that former presidential candidate and M-19 guerrilla top commander Carlos Pizarro apparently wore on the day of his murder. Photo: \u00a9 Presidency of the Republic<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

\u201cTo publicly romanticize M-19 and its actions is violent\u201d<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The loudest voice in repudiating the president\u2019s choice of symbols has been Helena Ur\u00e1n, a political scientist and a victim of the Palace of Justice, who until speaking out was a public servant of his government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A day after Petro raised the M-19 flag in Zipaquir\u00e1, Ur\u00e1n sent him <\/a>a public message<\/u><\/a> and a private letter<\/u><\/a>. \u201cTo publicly romanticize M-19 and its actions is once again violent and empowers those who do not want justice or truth,\u201d she said. Her father, Carlos Horacio Ur\u00e1n, was a State Council senior clerk at the time of the Palace of Justice siege. For two decades his fate was a mystery, until forensic evidence showed that he\u2019d left the building alive, only to be murdered<\/u><\/a> and disappeared by the military. Overwhelmed by threats made to stop looking for him, the Ur\u00e1n family was forced into exile. Helena was 10 years old.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After working in her adoptive Germany\u2019s education program for non-recurrence, Ur\u00e1n returned to Colombia, where she has led initiatives to withdraw military medals<\/u><\/a> of General Jes\u00fas Arias Cabrales, convicted over forced disappearances in the Palace of Justice, and requested protective measures<\/u><\/a> for the Juan Fr\u00edo crematoriums where paramilitaries disappeared hundreds of people. She also wrote a book<\/u><\/a>, in which she doesn\u2019t attribute her father\u2019s death to M-19 but holds it accountable for a takeover that, in her words, was a \u201cnecessary condition\u201d for what happened later.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ur\u00e1n especially questions Petro\u2019s praise of guerrillas. \u201cThe symbols he chooses allude to violent moments, of confrontation and little dialogue. They don\u2019t serve the country well because they do not deepen democracy, they only increase confrontation,\u201d she said. \u201cIn addition, they\u2019re imposed from a place of power, whereas we know that symbols people feel represented by come from the grassroots.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/a>As a result of Ur\u00e1n's letter, Culture Minister Juan David Correa - who edited her book - organized a discussion on the power of political symbols<\/a>, during which Fabio Mari\u00f1o, another former M-19 member and current member of <\/a>the government<\/a>, told  Ur\u00e1n that \u201cit is easier to forgive than to ask for forgiveness\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Petro has not responded to her letter yet. But in mid-June, the Foreign Ministry notified Ur\u00e1n that her contract as the Foreign Ministry\u2019s advisor on non-recurrence, would n<\/u><\/a><\/a>ot be renewed<\/u><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Memories for peace and memories for war<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

For Mar\u00eda Emma Wills, a political scientist who worked for a decade as a researcher at the state-run National Center of Historical Memory, \u201cit\u2019s not the symbol itself, but the path Petro chooses to introduce it into the national narrative, without discussing it with other people and especially others who might think differently\u201d, she said. \u201cIt\u2019s what makes it hard not to think of it as official history.\u201d In her most recent book<\/u><\/a> Memories for peace or memories for war<\/em>, she argues that there are public narratives that stoke hatred and create conditions for new cycles of violence, while others promote democratic dialogue and make better citizens.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In her view<\/u><\/a>, the former -which she calls \u201ctotal memories\u201d- tend to be binary and star heroes and villains, while glorifying sweeping narratives about armed conflict and reinforcing fractures in society that may become insurmountable. Whereas what she calls \u201cthe diversity of memories\u201d dignify the voices of victims, foster that those who saw themselves as enemies now do so as legitimate opponents, and promote living in plurality, not against each other. \u201cPetro is clearly trying to broaden the narrative, emphasising a new official memory to counter another one. One wonders, what is the transformation then, if it\u2019s going to be appropriated by his followers but not by other segments of society?\u201d asks Wills.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the symbol most in keeping with that second dimension is the vertical canoe made by artist Mario Opazo from the molten copper of bullets<\/u><\/a> decommissioned by the former FARC and installed in 2017 in the United Nations' garden in New York. Ignored<\/a> by the previous government of Iv\u00e1n Duque, the monument was officially inaugurated by Petro last week. In the president\u2019s words<\/u><\/a>, it represents \u201cthe desire to move forward as a society that has much to be sad about, but much more to dance, rejoice and live for.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Gustavo
President Gustavo Petro inaugurates the monument created with FARC's decommissioned bullets at the UN headquarters in New York. Photo: \u00a9 Presidency of the Republic<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n
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\"The<\/div><\/a>\r\n\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\tThe Colombian president Gustavo Petro opens door to a new transitional justice system\r\n\t\t<\/a>\r\n\t\t\r\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Flag, hat or sword: a former member of the M-19 guerilla, Colombian President Gustavo Petro is publicly glorifying symbols of his ex-armed group. An attitude decried by victims and criticized by many Colombians, as his government is trying to negotiate peace with actual illegal armed groups.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":74,"featured_media":134320,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[543],"tags":[2682],"ji_location":[2177],"class_list":["post-134347","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-reconciliation","tag-peace","ji_location-colombia"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nColombia: President Petro, between war and peace<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Colombian President Gustavo Petro publicly glorifies the symbols of former armed groups. 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