{"id":138632,"date":"2024-11-22T10:53:29","date_gmt":"2024-11-22T09:53:29","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/?p=138632"},"modified":"2024-11-22T13:16:14","modified_gmt":"2024-11-22T12:16:14","slug":"will-the-chagos-treaty-address-the-wrongs-of-the-past","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/138632-will-the-chagos-treaty-address-the-wrongs-of-the-past.html","title":{"rendered":"Will the Chagos treaty address the wrongs of the past?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

In October 2024, the United Kingdom and Mauritius suddenly announced that they had \u201creached a political agreement on the future\u201d of the Chagos islands, an archipelago in the Indian Ocean from which around 2,000 Chagossians were forcibly removed in the 1960\u2019s by the British. But many elements of the coming treaty are apparently unresolved.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

\u201cAre we waiting for the time when there will be no natives to deal with the UK government? It will be too late,\u201d says Olivier Bancoult, head of the Chagos Refugees Group<\/a>. He\u2019s been campaigning for many years for the rights of his people to return to the tiny archipelago of islands from which they were removed in the 1960\u2019s.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe Prime Minister of the Republic of Mauritius and the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland today confirm that they have reached an historic political agreement on the exercise of sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago\u201d, reads the joint statement of the two states<\/a> published on 3 October 2024.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the heart of this deal presented<\/a> by the UK foreign secretary in the House of Commons on 7 October 2024 is \u201ca recognition of past wrongs\u201d. But David Lammy also called it \u201ca victory for diplomacy\u201d. Others say it\u2019s about an indigenous peoples\u2019 right to reparation and maybe their right to return to their native land. For other commentators, it may be a victory for international law processes or the beginning of the end of the long process of decolonisation. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Each way of looking at the planned treaty between the UK and the government of Mauritius involves a different set of principles and national interests. And the views of the Chagossian people, numbering only around ten thousand persons, risk being lost in the continuing competing search for the correct solution. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Rulings by the ICJ, ITLOS and UK courts<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

No details have been made public yet about the UK\u2019s new treaty \u2013 yet to be signed and ratified \u2013 with Mauritius. The UK foreign secretary framed it to British MPs as the solution to an unsustainable status quo that was affecting the UK\u2019s relationship with the United States. Why? Because a US base was established on the island of Diego Garcia, for which the UK ensured there would be no inhabitants by removing the Chagossians. After multiple court cases, Lammy said \u201cit was just a matter of time before our only choices would have been abandoning the base altogether. Or breaking international law\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Securing that base and UK relations with the US propelled the discussions with Mauritius, following the International Court of Justice<\/a> (ICJ) advisory opinion ruling in 2019 <\/a>which agreed with Port Louis\u2019 contention, that the islands belonged to them as part of the process of decolonisation. That ruling was followed by an International Tribunal on the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) judgement<\/a> which supported the maritime delimitation of Mauritius in relation to the Maldives, based on their sovereignty over the islands. Other national cases through UK courts have focused on the rights of the Chagossian people and provided limited compensation to a handful. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

A treaty for the rights of the Chagossians?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The undisclosed treaty has been criticised by some Chagos rights groups as not inclusive of their views. Bancoult disputes that: \u201cI can assure you that the [Mauritian] prime minister did everything every time he had a negotiation, he had a consultation with our Chagossians to let them know how the thing was moving. Every time.\u201d Clive Baldwin from the NGO Human Rights Watch says however that \u201ctoo many times, starting from the 1960s, deals were done about the Chagossians without them, when limited money was paid for as charity or development, not as compensation\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In a very detailed 2023 report<\/a>, Human Rights Watch has outlined both the history of failures to deal with the needs of the exiled community and the multiple ways in which the UK authorities have broken international law. \u201cIt\u2019s a crime against humanity. It\u2019s forced displacement, it\u2019s prevention of return. And it\u2019s also \u2013 because of the evidence of the racism we found \u2013 persecution on the grounds of race\u201d, says Baldwin, the report\u2019s author. And if the issue is not resolved, it will continue to be a problem for the UK, he says. \u201cIf they don\u2019t, it\u2019s going to stay with them.\u201d It is notable that this year, the UK is running a campaign to regain a judge\u2019s seat at the ICJ via the candidature<\/a> of Dapo Akande. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

But Baldwin is concerned that the potential treaty may not address some of the fundamental legal principles, and therefore, the needs of the Chagossians. \u201cI don\u2019t think it does address the wrongs of the past. The government says there will be substantive assistance for the welfare of Chagossians. But none of those are rights. So the problems are: does it recognise a right for the Chagossians to return to the home? It doesn\u2019t; and where does the money go?\u201d, he asks. \u201cAny acknowledgement of their rights is why we say the word reparations matters. The UK hates it because of the precedent. But this is one of the clearest-cut examples of reparations for not just historic wrongdoing, but current wrongdoing. And as we said, applying the principles of reparations would mean the right to return, and the restoration of the island so they can return.\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n

A 99-year lease that could end up into perpetuity?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Ottilia Anna Maunganidze of the Institute for Security Studies in Pretoria, South Africa, suggests that those fundamental legal and human rights principles and how the deal plays out for the Chagossians will depend on the precise terms of the initial agreement on sovereignty. According to Lammy, the UK has ceded sovereignty. But, he said, there is already an agreement with the Mauritian negotiators to a 99-year lease, which essentially shores the UK up with their security ally, the US, and their access to the base in Diego Garcia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Earlier this month though, opposition forces won the general election in Mauritus. Based on the just concluded elections, says Maunganidze, \u201cif I were to look into a crystal ball, I would say that the negotiation on Diego Garcia is likely not going to be harder for Mauritius, but a point for which they may be less willing to negotiate on, and perhaps move away from the proposal of a 99-year lease, which, as we know with a lot of 99-year leases, can end up being into perpetuity\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

She suggests that the new government may push for rather \u201cclearer terms around the use of not the entire territory of Diego Garcia\u201d, with \u201ca similar arrangement, as what we see with US or other foreign military presence in otherwise sovereign countries\u201d, like Djibouti. \u201cSo it is more likely that they would lean towards a full assertion of sovereignty over the entire territory of the Chagos Islands with the understanding that any leasehold or any presence by the US and the UK in Mauritius, as it will then fully be, would be essentially almost in a host country agreement kind of way\u201d, she concludes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The British \u201cstill don\u2019t want to use the term reparations\u201d<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Any rights of the Chagossians to return, their right to repair of their homeland, to access, to jobs, to livelihood, would be subject to whatever actual terms are in the treaty. \u201cIf there\u2019s a restriction to Mauritian sovereignty, then whatever terms need to be negotiated, they have to be agreed on first, before we go to the next stage\u201d, Maunganidze says. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Baldwin is clear that in law, \u201call the Chagossians have a right to return\u201d, but he says there is resistance in London to the establishment of that principle and that the British \u201cstill don\u2019t want to use the term reparations\u201d, even though they have accepted the forced displacement was \u201cour responsibility\u201d. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

With the change of government in the UK last June, the negotiations seem to have been able to move forward. This is a moment when it\u2019s for the UK \u201cto be able to acknowledge its role\u201d, says Baldwin. But in addition to the changes in London and in Port Louis this month, now there\u2019s the knowledge of change in government in the United States in January 2025, so there may be only a small window within which to resolve the issue. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cIt\u2019s an urgent moment\u201d, says Baldwin, because it\u2019s fifty years after the last Chagossians were deported, including those who were babies at the time, a last chance for those who were actually born on the islands to be able to return. That means now is the \u201cbest opportunity\u201d for the UK to do the right thing, but \u201cit needs to be doing so with the Chagossians\u201d, he cautions. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Is this example of International law working? <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The ruling by the ICJ and the subsequent behind the scenes negotiations culminating in the announcement of the putative treaty was welcomed<\/a> by some players as a vindication for international law processes; that if only enough political pressure is put on states via the courts, change will occur. Baldwin agrees that \u201cit does show the impact of advisory opinions and therefore the importance of advisory opinions addressing the issues around human rights, reparations, succession\u201d. But he cautions that although \u201cthe advisory opinion addresses the failure to decolonise the territory quite clearly and talks about the Chagossians, it doesn\u2019t come up with any very clear responsibility\u201d, and therefore may fall short. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Maunganidze acknowledges that small states are now more regularly seeing the opportunities that international courts may afford, even though, she says, Mauritius may not be the best example. \u201cThis was not, by any measure, the easiest process to follow.\u201d But advisory opinions are now providing an avenue, \u201ceven where it is one state that has put forward the application, for many more states, small and sometimes big, submitting their declarations to intervene\u201d, she says. And \u201cwhen you do have a critical mass of countries, whether they\u2019re small or whether they\u2019re large, that has the potential to tip the scales in terms of where the decision lies.\u201d <\/p>\n\n\n\n

But the proof of the effects of international courts will always be in what happens in the real world. \u201cI would throw in a slight word of caution\u201d, says Maunganidze, \u201cthat even where they are binding decisions, whether it\u2019s at the ICJ or elsewhere, the real challenge relates to implementation.\u201d And in the case of the Chagos islands, the implementors are the states.<\/p>\n\n\n

\r\n\t\t\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\t
Recommended reading<\/div>\r\n\t\t\t
\"Reparation<\/div><\/a>\r\n\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\tColonial crimes: the reparations movement stalls in Europe\r\n\t\t<\/a>\r\n\t\t\r\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In October 2024, the United Kingdom and Mauritius suddenly announced that they had \u201creached a political agreement on the future\u201d of the Chagos islands, an archipelago in the Indian Ocean from which around 2,000 Chagossians were forcibly removed in the 1960\u2019s by the British. But many elements of the coming treaty are apparently unresolved.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":79,"featured_media":138625,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[544],"tags":[2894,3935,2957,3613],"ji_location":[2347,2537],"class_list":["post-138632","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-reparations","tag-colonialism","tag-human-rights","tag-indigenous-peoples","tag-international-law","ji_location-mauritius","ji_location-united-kingdom"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nWill the Chagos treaty address the wrongs of the past?<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"The United Kingdom and Mauritius announced \u201ca political agreement on the future\u201d of the Chagos islands, from which around 2,000 Chagossians were forcibly removed in the 1960\u2019s by the British. 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But many elements of the coming treaty are apparently unresolved.","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/138632-will-the-chagos-treaty-address-the-wrongs-of-the-past.html#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/138632-will-the-chagos-treaty-address-the-wrongs-of-the-past.html"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/138632-will-the-chagos-treaty-address-the-wrongs-of-the-past.html#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/Chagos-islands-Diego-Garcia_@Zelvan-Shutterstock.jpg","contentUrl":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/Chagos-islands-Diego-Garcia_@Zelvan-Shutterstock.jpg","width":1200,"height":675,"caption":"The island of Diego Garcia, from which all Chagossians were deported by the British in the 1960s to make way for a US military base, has been at the heart of negotiations between Mauritius and the United Kingdom over sovereignty over the Chagos archipelago. Photo: \u00a9 Zelvan \/ Shutterstock"},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/138632-will-the-chagos-treaty-address-the-wrongs-of-the-past.html#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Will the Chagos treaty address the wrongs of the past?"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#website","url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/","name":"JusticeInfo.net","description":"For justice to be done, it must be seen","publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#organization"},"potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"Organization","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#organization","name":"Justice Info","url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/justiceinfo_logo-trans_1200x1200px.png","contentUrl":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/justiceinfo_logo-trans_1200x1200px.png","width":1199,"height":1200,"caption":"Justice Info"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/"},"sameAs":["https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/JusticeInfo\/","https:\/\/x.com\/justiceinfonet","https:\/\/www.linkedin.com\/company\/justice-info","https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/channel\/UCyCEsARodyuWtkWyhn-e7pA"]},{"@type":"Person","name":"janderson","sameAs":["https:\/\/x.com\/janethanderson"],"url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/auteur\/janderson"}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/138632","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/79"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=138632"}],"version-history":[{"count":5,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/138632\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":138658,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/138632\/revisions\/138658"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/138625"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=138632"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=138632"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=138632"},{"taxonomy":"ji_location","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ji_location?post=138632"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}