{"id":146426,"date":"2025-06-12T11:05:05","date_gmt":"2025-06-12T09:05:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/?p=146426"},"modified":"2025-09-30T17:08:54","modified_gmt":"2025-09-30T15:08:54","slug":"why-hungary-quits-icc","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/146426-why-hungary-quits-icc.html","title":{"rendered":"Why Hungary quits the ICC"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

On May 20, Hungary officially announced its withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. But the Israel\/Palestine issue is only part of the picture. The European Union is also a target, warns Alannah Travers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

In May 2025, Hungary became the first European Union member state to formally renounce its obligations to the International Criminal Court (ICC)<\/a>, one month after<\/a> hosting Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Although Hungary ratified the Rome Statute in 2001<\/a> during Viktor Orb\u00e1n\u2019s first term in office, it never incorporated the treaty into domestic law. Its symbolic withdrawal, therefore, endorsed by a parliamentary vote<\/a> on 20 May, has sent a political message that ripples far beyond Budapest. At first glance, Hungary\u2019s ICC move seems like just another marker in Orb\u00e1n\u2019s increasingly illiberal rule, and part of his deepening alliance with Netanyahu\u2019s government. But the motivations, and the near silence from other EU capitals, hints at a deeper fracture in the European commitment to international justice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The political mood enabling a departure from the ICC is reflected on the city's streets. On posters plastered<\/a> across the drive to and from Budapest\u2019s airport, images of EU leaders and the Ukrainian president are paired with a direct appeal: \u201cLet\u2019s not let them decide over our heads!,\u201d demonstrating the deep-seated scepticism of any external authority. It is this same principle of sovereignty-first that is being turned towards the ICC, allowing the withdrawal to be framed for a domestic audience through a familiar lens.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The decision coincided with an EU-funded event in Hungary\u2019s capital that was part of the European-Palestinian-Israeli Trilateral Dialogue Initiative (EPICON), coordinated by the Berlin-based Candid Foundation. Held on 27 May 2025 the meeting welcomed six prominent Israeli and Palestinian peace activists, from law, media, civil society and religion, alongside Hungarian MPs, political officers, and other stakeholders. Together, they explored Europe\u2019s shifting role in the Middle East post-October 7.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

EPICON\u2019s goal is to reassess the political realities in Israel and Palestine, create space for renewed engagement, and identify actionable steps for European countries to support a just solution, with events taking place across EU member states throughout 2025 aimed at informing European policy and amplifying alternative Israeli and Palestinian voices in European capitals.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A long memory of 1956 and the ICTY<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Some Hungarian MPs who voted in favour of the withdrawal have based their rationale on the ICC losing legitimacy and having done little for Hungarian national interests. Candid reflections from a Hungarian opposition MP present at EPICON\u2019s event also revealed something older: a bitterness that the West failed to intervene during the Soviet suppression of the 1956 uprising. \u201cWe learned then that international law does not protect us,\u201d another participant explained. That sense of abandonment still seems to shape attitudes today.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There\u2019s also broader mistrust of international criminal tribunals. Many Hungarians see the ICC as a continuation of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY)<\/a>, widely criticised by many present as being inefficient and politically selective<\/a>. The legacy of the ICTY lingers, not just in Hungary but across Central and Eastern Europe, where it is remembered as an instrument of victor\u2019s justice<\/a>, selectively applied<\/a>, and as a warning against external judicial intervention.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

P\u00e9ter Szit\u00e1s, Senior Research Fellow<\/a> at the Danube Institute, a\u00a0national-conservative think tank in Budapest that is closely aligned with and receives funding from the Fidesz government, explains that Hungary\u2019s exit should be read not as a rejection of accountability per se, but more of selective enforcement. \u201cThe Hungarian Government maintains that the ICC has become a politically motivated body and emphasises that the exercise of criminal jurisdiction is a core component of state sovereignty,\u201d he explained while attending the EPICON discussion. \u201cHowever, the Hungarian Parliament has never transposed the Rome Statute into domestic law, which means that the national legal framework necessary for the arrest and extradition of individuals wanted by the ICC is currently lacking. Consequently, Hungary\u2019s withdrawal from the ICC<\/a> would not result in any practical changes.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Szit\u00e1s points to the disillusionment: \u201cRecent unpunished violations of international norms, such as the unlawful bombing of Yugoslavia [in 1999 by NATO forces] or the similarly unlawful war in Iraq [in 2003 by the U.S.], serve as more pertinent examples of why many around the world have become disillusioned with international law. As long as there remains a possibility that the international tribunals will act assertively against certain actors while being lenient or even paralysed in the case of others, it is legitimate to question whether their ultimate aim is genuinely to uphold the rule of law, or rather to serve specific political interests,\u201d he argues. \u201cWhen the West violated the very rules it had established [in the 1990s and 2000s], it effectively encoded future breaches of norms into the international system.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A staunch ally of Netanyahu\u2019s Israel<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Yet Szit\u00e1s also offers a nuanced view on Hungary\u2019s sovereignty-oriented foreign policy, on which the Danube Institute<\/a> is known for: \u201cIt must also be acknowledged that, even as a matter of formal logic, it is in the relative interest of smaller states to maintain the primacy and enforceability of international law, given that \u2013 lacking hard power \u2013 these countries find it difficult to assert their international interests by other means,\u201d he added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This withdrawal cannot be separated from the wider political moment as the ICC is reportedly preparing further arrest warrants<\/a> related to the war in Gaza. Along the Danube, the memorial of iron shoes honouring Jewish victims of Hungarian fascist terror is haunting. It also creates a complex backdrop for the government\u2019s current diplomacy. In Budapest today, in contrast to many other European cities, posters calling for the release of Israeli hostages remain visible. Hungary is one of Israel\u2019s strongest regional allies and has consistently slammed the Court\u2019s supposed anti-Israel bias. Withdrawal now seems like pre-emptive shielding, for itself and its allies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cImmediately following the issuance of the ICC arrest warrant against Benjamin Netanyahu, Prime Minister Viktor Orb\u00e1n extended an official invitation to the Israeli Prime Minister for a state visit to Hungary,\u201d Szit\u00e1s explained. \u201cTheir meeting in Budapest was unquestionably demonstrative in nature: two strong leaders jointly signalling to the world that they are autonomous actors who do not recognise the jurisdiction of international legal bodies over themselves,\u201d he said. \u201cThis message was reinforced by a phone call during which the President of the United States also briefly joined the two premiers.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\t

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Fighting the manipulation of trauma<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

That posture jarred with the tone inside the EPICON conference. There, the conversation turned to the deeper drivers of the conflict, and the need for healing. Talia Goshen<\/a>, a Tel Aviv-based humanist rabbi, began by diagnosing what she called the \u201cdeep moral wounds\u201d that societies carry from collective traumas like genocide and injustice. Left unhealed, she explained, these wounds \u201cfester into fear, defensiveness, and cycles of violence.\u201d She described contemporary Jewish society as one \u201cprofoundly shaped by centuries of exile, pogroms, exclusion, anti-Semitism, and of course the Holocaust,\u201d making it bear its wounds with a \u201cheightened sensitivity to existential threat.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The danger, Goshen warned, is when this trauma is manipulated. \u201cWhen these traumas are not met with shared values like justice, dignity, equality and mutual accountability, they can be manipulated by the dangerous 'virus' of supremacy \u2013 the belief that one\u2019s pain justifies moral exceptionalism or domination over others.\u201d She argued that, \u201cthe current fanatic Israeli government exacerbates these wounds by invoking historical trauma to justify policies of occupation, systemic inequality, and violence,\u201d a process she described as \u201cturning a legacy of suffering into a rationale for the oppression of another people.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Looking across the table at a fellow participant, Goshen highlighted the inequality of their lives. \u201cWe land in Tel Aviv as equals,\u201d she said, \u201cbut one of us lives under civilian law, and the other under military law.\u201d Highlighting the reality Goshen described, Mohammed Daraghma, a veteran Palestinian journalist, offered a sharp analysis of the politics driving the injustice Goshen described, and the growing alliance between the Israeli and Hungarian leadership.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cI believe the Hungarian president is one of those so-called \u2018friends of Israel\u2019 who, in reality, make enemies unnecessary,\u201d Daraghma added in a follow-up conversation, commenting on the long-term consequences of the destruction. \u201cHe supports settlement expansion, the undermining of the two-state solution, and war crimes \u2013 none of which serve Israel\u2019s interests. Settlements eliminate the possibility of a political solution and create a one-state reality based on apartheid, which will ultimately harm Israel in the long run.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

EPICON featured several other Palestinian and Israeli thinkers who continue to believe in people-to-people dialogue, even as political horizons narrow. The erosion of faith in legal institutions, they say, could also be an opportunity to reinvest in grassroots, transnational networks. International justice doesn\u2019t begin in The Hague, rather it begins where people are. \u201cIn a region where legal and political institutions frequently fail to deliver justice or equality, we believe deeply in the power of shared storytelling to build bridges,\u201d Goshen explained, after the conference. Across Europe and the Middle East, civil society actors are filling the vacuum left by state paralysis. At EPICON, there was a shared recognition that local legal mobilisation and transnational solidarity might now offer more traction than international treaties alone. It was a rare space in which individuals with radically different experiences could sit side by side and discuss what justice could still mean.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The EU\u2019s shrinking moral authority<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Hungary\u2019s decision also says a lot about Europe\u2019s own drift. The EU has long styled itself as a defender of the rules-based order, but its response to Gaza has been fractured and, in places, hesitant. While countries like Ireland and Norway have urged strong ICC engagement, others have wavered. Hungary went further by cutting ties entirely.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The fact that this hasn\u2019t prompted much pushback from fellow EU states is telling. If the bloc won\u2019t defend the ICC (even symbolically), how can it claim to back international law? Hungary is not alone in its selective relationship with international criminal law. Other states, including Israel, Russia, and the United States, have refused ICC jurisdiction or actively opposed its investigations. However what makes Hungary\u2019s move all the more controversial is its EU membership. Unlike those countries, Hungary is part of a bloc that claims to uphold international legal standards.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This selective morality was not lost on the conference participants. As Goshen noted, Europe\u2019s standing as a \u201cglobal champion of \u2018peace through justice\u2019\u201d has been eroded by inconsistency. \u201cIf Europe is to lead on justice, it must apply its principles universally \u2013 not just when politically convenient,\u201d she urged.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this context, she framed Hungary\u2019s defiance of international courts as dangerously short-sighted. \u201cWhile the ICC is undeniably politicized and not free from bias, it remains the only existing international legal mechanism with even a limited capacity to address war crimes. Undermining it in moments of crisis sends a message that power supersedes justice, further fuelling cycles of impunity and suffering.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another target behind the ICC: the EU<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

In this light, Hungary\u2019s withdrawal from the ICC is not just symbolic, rather it\u2019s strategic. According to Szit\u00e1s, Hungary\u2019s objective is not to reform international public law. \u201cInstead, what appears to be a more explicit and declared goal is to ensure that the functioning of the European Union \u2013 particularly that of the European Commission \u2013 adheres to the founding treaties. At present, this is not the case: the Commission is increasingly shifting away from its role as guardian of the treaties and assuming a governmental function, which runs counter to the interests of the Member States\u201d, he continued. \u201cNevertheless, the Orb\u00e1n government, backed by a stable political mandate, is in a position of sufficient strength to draw attention to these anomalies and to articulate its objections to such developments. At the same time, it would be a shame to deny that there are marked political fault lines in the country, especially in intellectual circles. The divide between the national and progressive camps is growing ever deeper, making it increasingly difficult to engage in meaningful, constructive debates on issues such as a country\u2019s place in the world, the state of democracy, or questions of the rule of law.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps, then, the better question is not whether the ICC can survive Hungary\u2019s departure, but whether Europe\u2019s commitment to international justice can survive its silence.<\/p>\n\n\n

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\"AlannahALANNAH TRAVERS<\/strong><\/p>\n

Alannah Travers is a postgraduate at SOAS, University of London, specialising in the intersection of International Humanitarian Law, Human Rights and Islamic Law. She was previously based in Iraq, working with the Coalition for Just Reparations (C4JR) on the implementation of Iraq\u2019s 2021 Yazidi Survivors\u2019 Law and the closure of UNITAD. As a journalist and researcher, Alannah was awarded the Fetisov Journalism award in Excellence in Environmental Journalism for her reporting on gas flaring and is the Silver winner of the United Nations Correspondents Association 2023 Elizabeth Neuffer Memorial Prize.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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