{"id":159065,"date":"2026-05-12T10:18:57","date_gmt":"2026-05-12T08:18:57","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/?p=159065"},"modified":"2026-05-12T10:58:21","modified_gmt":"2026-05-12T08:58:21","slug":"why-the-language-of-war-matters-after-war","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/159065-why-the-language-of-war-matters-after-war.html","title":{"rendered":"Why the language of war matters after war"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

War survives in language, warns Sudanese writer Eglal Hamid. Labels like \u201ccollaborators\u201d shape how responsibility is understood and how justice is administered. Here are four tasks for Sudan\u2019s transitional justice not to reproduce exclusion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

In Sudan today, the accusation of being a \u201ccollaborator\u201d is no longer merely political rhetoric. It is becoming a category with legal, social, and potentially life-altering consequences. As front lines shift and territories change hands, people who remained behind, worked in local administrations, traded across conflict lines, delivered services, or simply tried to preserve daily life are increasingly exposed to a dangerous question: were they surviving under coercion, or collaborating with an armed actor?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The answer may shape far more than reputation. It may determine prosecution, punishment, exclusion from public life, denial of compensation, or future claims to legitimacy. This is why the language of war matters so profoundly after war. Labels do not simply describe conduct. They shape how responsibility is understood, how justice is administered, and who is permitted back into civic life.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Much post-conflict policy focuses on visible reconstruction. Roads are rebuilt, institutions reopened, elections organised, and donor funds pledged. These are necessary tasks. Yet one of the least examined dimensions of recovery is classificatory power: the authority to name people and attach legal, political, and moral consequences to those names. When wartime labels enter peacetime institutions without scrutiny, conflict can survive in administrative form.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sudan offers an urgent example because these categories are already being formed in real time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Collaboration or survival?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

In March 2026, Sudan\u2019s state news agency reported that a specialised court in Wad Madani sentenced to death<\/a> a woman identified as having served as agriculture minister in an administration linked to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) \u2013 one of the two main warring parties in Sudan since April 2023 \u2013 in Al Jazirah State. Later that month, prosecutors announced proceedings against 77 defendants<\/a> accused of participating in a parallel civilian administration in Jabal Awliya, including individuals said to have occupied executive and service-related positions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These proceedings may involve serious allegations. They deserve careful judicial examination on their individual merits. But they also raise a broader legal question central to post-conflict justice: when does civilian activity under coercive wartime control become criminal collaboration, and when is it part of the grey zone of survival that modern conflicts repeatedly produce?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That question cannot be answered by accusation alone.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The term \u201ccollaborator\u201d often collapses radically different forms of conduct into a single moral category. It may refer to someone who knowingly supplied military assistance to an armed group. But it may also be used for a civil servant who remained at work under duress, a trader who crossed front lines to secure food, a doctor who treated civilians in territory controlled by one party, a teacher who kept a school open, or a local administrator who maintained water or sanitation systems after state institutions had collapsed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These situations are not identical. Nor should they carry identical legal meaning.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Law rather than vengeance<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

In Sudan, the problem is not only the existence of legal offences related to collaboration<\/a> or aiding armed actors. Many legal systems recognise such crimes. The deeper problem begins when a narrowly defined legal category escapes its procedural limits and becomes a mass political label. During war, the term \u201ccollaborator\u201d can circulate through speeches, social media, rumours, and partisan mobilisation long before any court examines evidence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Once that happens, punishment may begin before trial. UN and human rights reports<\/a> have documented unlawful killings, reprisals, and other abuses in areas controlled by different parties to the conflict. In some publicly reported cases, accusations of collaboration have also been used to justify retaliation or targeting, while sections of the public celebrated such acts. Here, language does not merely describe guilt; it may help authorise abuse.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is how legal vocabulary becomes detached from law itself. A term once tied to evidence, standards, and judicial review is transformed into a shortcut for suspicion and revenge. When that happens, the erosion of justice often starts before any formal process begins.<\/p>\n\n\n\t

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War destroys many of the ordinary conditions under which free choice is exercised. In conflict zones, civilians must navigate armed authority, scarcity, displacement, and fear. Some cooperate willingly with armed actors, some comply minimally to survive, and others continue public functions because communities would otherwise collapse. A justice system that fails to distinguish among these realities risks punishing coercion, necessity, and civic endurance alongside genuine wrongdoing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

International humanitarian law draws distinctions precisely because war blurs ordinary life. Civilians remain protected unless and for such time as they directly participate in hostilities. Mere residence in territory held by one side, family ties, economic necessity, or proximity to armed actors do not automatically erase civilian status. Domestic criminal law, if it is to function as law rather than vengeance, must preserve similar distinctions through evidence, due process, and individualised responsibility.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It doesn\u2019t end with the war<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

This is where Sudan\u2019s present moment becomes so consequential. The issue is not whether no one should be prosecuted. It is whether the category of \u201ccollaboration\u201d is being used carefully enough to distinguish direct criminal responsibility from coerced, ambiguous, or civilian forms of conduct. Once that distinction collapses, the accusation itself begins to function as punishment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

And that danger rarely ends with the war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If Sudan reaches a ceasefire or political settlement without trusted legal standards, wartime resentment may continue through private revenge, community stigma, administrative exclusion, selective prosecutions, and unequal access to justice. Entire neighbourhoods can be marked as suspect. Families can inherit blame. Those who navigated war through compromise or accommodation may later be treated as if they had acted under conditions of free choice.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In that environment, the language of collaboration becomes a bridge between wartime violence and post-war retribution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A related danger emerges when suspicion moves from individuals to entire communities. In Sudan, terms such as \u201csocial incubators\u201d or supportive environments have been used to associate tribes, villages, towns, or regional populations with one armed actor or another. Once communities are linguistically recast as extensions of military forces, the distinction between combatant and civilian begins to erode.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

That erosion can help normalise indiscriminate violence, displacement, collective punishment, or the denial of sympathy to civilian victims. It can also make attacks appear politically justified to audiences already conditioned by wartime narratives. This dynamic is not confined to one side of the conflict. Rival actors often mirror each other by portraying civilian populations linked to opponents as legitimate objects of suspicion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From Rwanda to Iraq to Ukraine<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

When language collectivises guilt, justice becomes harder to recover after war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Other societies have faced related dilemmas. In Ukraine<\/a>, accusations of collaboration in Russian-occupied territories have generated difficult prosecutions involving teachers, local officials, and administrators who continued operating under occupation. Some cases may reflect genuine assistance to an occupying force. Others raise harder questions about coercion, necessity, and the administration of everyday life where refusal itself may carry severe risk.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Rwanda<\/a>, post-genocide justice also had to distinguish between planners of atrocity, direct participants, coerced involvement, and civilians living under fear. In Iraq<\/a> after 2003, de-Baathification showed how broad political labels can become instruments of exclusion when individual responsibility is replaced by categorical guilt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexts differ, but the lesson is consistent: labels forged in violence can outlast violence itself.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Four tasks for Sudan<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

This is why transitional justice<\/a> cannot be reduced to tribunals, commissions, or peace agreements alone. Formal mechanisms remain essential. But justice also depends on the categories through which societies sort people after war. Vetting processes, reparations systems, truth commissions, and institutional reform all rely on decisions about who counts as perpetrator, victim, bystander, beneficiary, or citizen. If those categories inherit wartime prejudice, transitional justice can reproduce exclusion while claiming to repair it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For Sudan, this means at least three urgent tasks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

First, accusations of collaboration must be treated as legal claims requiring evidence, not moral shortcuts. Second, courts must distinguish between direct participation in hostilities and forms of civilian administration or survival carried out under coercion. Third, any future transition must resist collective blame if it is to widen citizenship rather than narrow it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A fourth task is equally important: political actors must avoid using the language of treason and purification to settle future power struggles. Post-war states often inherit the temptation to govern through suspicion. That path may consolidate authority temporarily, but it corrodes legitimacy over time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The alternative is already visible. When wartime labels harden into peacetime institutions, law becomes an extension of wartime anger. When survival is recast as guilt, justice loses credibility before it begins.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wars do not always survive through weapons. Sometimes, they survive through the words that decide who belongs after the guns fall silent.<\/p>\n\n\n

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Recommended reading<\/div>\r\n\t\t\t
\"Trial<\/div><\/a>\r\n\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\tCollaboration trials in Ukraine: what do court verdicts tell us?\r\n\t\t<\/a>\r\n\t\t\r\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\n
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\"EglalEGLAL HAMID<\/strong><\/p>\n

Eglal Hamid is a Sudanese writer and policy commentator focusing on conflict, displacement, civilian survival, and the politics of recognition in African contexts. Her work examines how language, law, and power shape civilian life during and after war. She has published in Democracy in Africa<\/em> and Pambazuka News.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

War survives in language, warns Sudanese writer Eglal Hamid. Labels like \u201ccollaborators\u201d shape how responsibility is understood and how justice is administered. Here are four tasks for Sudan\u2019s transitional justice not to reproduce exclusion. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":212,"featured_media":159060,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[566,567],"tags":[3992],"ji_location":[2487],"class_list":["post-159065","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-national-tribunals","category-opinion","tag-collaboration-en","ji_location-sudan"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nWhy the language of war matters after war<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"War survives in language, warns Sudanese writer Eglal Hamid. 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Labels like \u201ccollaborators\u201d shape how responsibility is understood and how justice is administered. Here are four tasks for Sudan\u2019s transitional justice not to reproduce exclusion.","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/159065-why-the-language-of-war-matters-after-war.html#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/159065-why-the-language-of-war-matters-after-war.html"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/159065-why-the-language-of-war-matters-after-war.html#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/Sudan_refugees_@AFP.jpg","contentUrl":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/Sudan_refugees_@AFP.jpg","width":1200,"height":797,"caption":"Civilians \u2013 as seen here in Sudan, in western Darfur, in April 2025 \u2013 often find themselves caught in the crossfire of conflict, a situation that can persist even as post-war justice is carried out. Photo: \u00a9 AFP"},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/159065-why-the-language-of-war-matters-after-war.html#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Home","item":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Why the language of war matters after war"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#website","url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/","name":"JusticeInfo.net","description":"For justice to be done, it must be seen","publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#organization"},"potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-US"},{"@type":"Organization","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#organization","name":"Justice Info","url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/justiceinfo_logo-trans_1200x1200px.png","contentUrl":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/justiceinfo_logo-trans_1200x1200px.png","width":1199,"height":1200,"caption":"Justice Info"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/"},"sameAs":["https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/JusticeInfo\/","https:\/\/x.com\/justiceinfonet","https:\/\/www.linkedin.com\/company\/justice-info","https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/channel\/UCyCEsARodyuWtkWyhn-e7pA"]},{"@type":"Person","name":"Eglal Hamid","url":"\/en\/?s=Eglal Hamid"}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/159065","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/212"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=159065"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/159065\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":159077,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/159065\/revisions\/159077"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/159060"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=159065"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=159065"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=159065"},{"taxonomy":"ji_location","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/ji_location?post=159065"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}