{"id":167406,"date":"2026-10-16T11:54:56","date_gmt":"2026-10-16T09:54:56","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/?p=167406"},"modified":"2026-10-16T12:00:40","modified_gmt":"2026-10-16T10:00:40","slug":"us-sanctions-against-the-icc-options-for-a-six-months-ultimatum","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/167406-us-sanctions-against-the-icc-options-for-a-six-months-ultimatum.html","title":{"rendered":"US sanctions against the ICC: options for a six-months ultimatum"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

On Friday 9 October hard on the heels of the announcement of the Nobel Peace Prize<\/a> to a stalwart advocate of international justice, the US declared long-expected full sanctions on the International Criminal Court (ICC). The court and its supporters have been given a six-month ultimatum. But what will they make of it?<\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

Just days before the United States dropped its bombshell, Osvaldo Zavala Giler delivered a keynote to a Hague cyber security conference<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wearing his trademark dapper bowtie, the International Criminal Court (ICC)<\/a> registrar outlined the court\u2019s response<\/a> to a \u201cserious targeted sophisticated cyberattack\u201d in September 2023, moving from \u201ccontainment\u201d to \u201ctechnological and institutional autonomy\u201d. Zavala Giler was talking to tech bros and policy makers, deliberately positioning the court as the canary in the coalmine<\/a>. \u201cA business impact assessment\u201d following the first round of US sanctions on elected individuals at the ICC in February 2025 \u201cfound that approximately 92% of the court\u2019s judicial processes depended directly or indirectly on a US company or a company with a significant US nexus\u201d, he said. The court has since launched the \u2018Operation Tech Autonomy\u2019, which \u201caims to ensure that no single external dependency can prevent the court form carrying out its core functions\u201d. Zavala Giler then called its audience to act for \u201cEuropean investment in technology capacity\u201d and \u201cthe immediate activation of the EU blocking statute to protect European companies from extraterritorial effects of US sanctions\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On Friday October 9, full sanctions were unveiled by US secretary of state Marco Rubio, with a six-month ultimatum: \u201cEither the ICC will end its threats, or we will end the ICC,\u201d he declared<\/a>. The court responded<\/a> that this was an \u201cattempt to obstruct the course of justice and prevent the court from doing what it was created to do\u201d. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cTime for States Parties to address fundamental U.S. concerns\u201d<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The sanctions came by executive order<\/a> from US president Donald J. Trump, to order the Department of the Treasury to add the entire court to its \u201cspecially designated nationals\u201d list. This move imposes financial punishment on any entity that does business with the ICC.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the substance, the sanctions are for the whole court but include a \u201cset of general licenses (GLs) authorizing certain transactions involving the ICC to protect U.S. interests.\u201d These provide a 180-day reprieve on \u201ccertain activity involving the ICC, including for the maintenance of its operations\u201d. It explicitly includes \u201cIT-related activities, including cloud and software services\u201d, \u201cthe ICC pension plan\u201d; and \u201ccertain activity related to the ICC detainees\u201d. In the case of the nine persons detained in the detention unit in Scheveningen, the ICC is allowed to continue to use its bank accounts to keep them locked up. For now. But these \u201cmaintenance\u201d licenses are \u201cintended to provide time for States Parties to demonstrate meaningful progress on diplomatic and legal resolutions that address fundamental U.S. concerns regarding the ICC\u201d, according to the executive order.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When fully imposed, the sanctions will apply to \u201ctransactions by U.S. persons or within (or transiting) the United States\u201d in any of their relations to the ICC. They will apply to \u201cmaking of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services by, to, or for the benefit of any blocked person and the receipt of any contribution or provision of funds, goods, or services from any such person\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cAn affront to our alliances and our allies\u201d <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

\u201cIt\u2019s an affront to our alliances and our allies, almost all of whom are members of the court and are committed to the values for which the institution stands\u201d, says to Justice Info Beth van Schaack, former US Ambassador-at-Large for Global Criminal Justice. Now professor at Stanford, she aggrieved that her country, whose \u201ccontributions have been central to building the architecture of international justice\u201d with \u201cthe ICC is an essential pillar of that architecture,\u201d is now \u201cattempting to destroy it\u201d.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Van Schaack points out that Washington is using the International Emergency Economic Powers Act<\/a>, which gives the president power to block transactions and freeze assets of designated persons and entities if there is \u201can unusual and extraordinary threat\u201d to national security, foreign policy, or the US economy. \u201cThey\u2019ve been used against terrorists, suspected terrorists and terrorist organisations, against drug kingpins, against war criminals [such as] Joseph Kony<\/a>, former leader of the LRA, currently facing an arrest warrant by the ICC\u201d, she says.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These new sanctions were preceded by succeeding rounds of individual sanctions<\/a> against judges and members of the office of the prosector. Judges who had authorised the investigations into Palestine and Afghanistan were targeted, along \u2013 most recently \u2013 with the court\u2019s president<\/a>. And those at the top of the prosecutor\u2019s office most closely associated with the Palestine investigation, which has resulted so far with two public arrest warrants of Benyamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant<\/a>, also lost access to US services. In recent months, ICC judges have been openly speaking about the effects of sanctions on their lives \u2013 travel, credit cards, online bookings. In parallel Palestinian human rights NGOs have been designated<\/a> as well as the UN Special Rapporteur on the occupied Palestinian territory, Francesca Albanese.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe United States is in a unique position,\u201d notes van Schaack. \u201cGiven that so many big international transactions are dollar-denominated and have a pass-through in New York at some point, banks that are in charge of hosting it, even if it\u2019s for seconds, have to comply. Coming up with an alternative, non-dollar-denominated set of vendor relationships, is going to be tricky, and that\u2019s what the six months will be quite interesting for. I don\u2019t want to overstate it and I don\u2019t want to understate it: yes, these are potentially crippling to the court\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Protection of witnesses and evidence under threat<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Van Schaack is concerned about witness protection. \u201cThere are vulnerable witnesses that are receiving services through the Rome Statute system,\u201d she says \u201cand those service providers are going to have to really question whether they\u2019re allowed to continue to provide it. Those witnesses are quite vulnerable. All of the court\u2019s evidence that\u2019s being protected now against what we know are intense cyber assaults, who will try and breach the security of the court is going to be incredibly vulnerable when some of these systems are having to be dismantled because vendors may over-comply or may feel like they have to withdraw that relationship in order to stay in compliance with the sanctions order\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Part of the difficulty points out the former ambassador is the uncertainty around what exactly \u201cassistance to a designated entity\u201d would constitute\u201d. This makes \u201cNGOs and others who might be sharing information with the court in the very difficult position of trying to understand what their potential vulnerability is\u201d. Persons with US nationality who have worked on war crimes cases all their lives and asked not to be named, have also told Justice Info that they have now to be careful because of the secondary effects sanctions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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What will count as support to the Court\u2026<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Sara Segneri, international lawyer and partner at Confinum Strategies<\/a>, has been explaining to concerned NGOs that \u201cgathering evidence, transmitting dossiers, assisting victims or making submissions,\u201d could all \u201cpotentially constitute providing services or material support to the Court\u201d. She also points out that \u201cworkarounds\u201d that may have been deployed in the past to enable a European subsidiary of a US company to take over a contract would be \u201cparticularly difficult under this sanctions programme\u201d. In addition, she points out, although a genuinely European company may think itself unaffected, that is not the case. Any \u201cindependent European company could face was I would call \u2018secondary-designation exposure\u2019,\u201d says Segneri, if they supply services to the ICC. A risk that is also \u201clikely to encourage substantial over-compliance by multinational companies,\u201d she concludes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe question is, how aggressively is the United States going to enforce sanctions?\u201d muses van Schaack. \u201cYou can imagine this administration wanting to make an example of some entity that might try and stay engaged with the court and send a message that they\u2019re serious. In that sense they\u2019re not merely a symbolic effort to strike a blow at the court, but in fact, they may intend to enforce the sanctions aggressively. And entities will have to make the decision about whether a contract with the court is worth potentially invoking the ire of the Trump administration\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u2026 and what will the US courts say?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

There are already several cases within US courts that have provided carveout exceptions for individuals to continue as US citizens to work with the court. Three ICC judges, from Benin, Canada and Uganda filed suit in June 2026<\/a> against the sanctions on them. A preliminary injunction was won this week<\/a> in a case related to engaging on evidence gathering on Palestine. And four NGOs are behind another case<\/a> going through the southern district of New York courts. \u201cMy colleagues and I, former ambassadors at large and also former U.S. chief prosecutors, individuals who\u2019ve held senior positions at international courts over the years, did write a brief in support<\/a>,\u201d says the former ambassador, arguing that \u201cthis is in violation of the global rule of law and that the norms that the United States has been promoting historically through its human rights work now are being violated by this very sanctions order.\u201d \u201cIt\u2019s almost more powerful now that sanctions have been issued against the entire institution\u201d, she adds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An ultimatum or an open door for diplomacy?   <\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Since the sanctions order was issued, there was a wave of immediate diplomatic reaction. The ICC body<\/a> representing states members of the court, the Bureau of the Assembly of States parties, \u201cregrets\u201d and \u201ccalls for the immediate revocation of these sanctions\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In a joint statement, Canada, Denmark, Germany, France, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom expressed strong disagreement with the U.S. sanctions. \u201cWe will continue to work together to support the court\u2019s vital work, uphold the rules-based international system, and advance accountability,\u201d they stated.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But the 180-day grace period before full imposition was seized on by some as a door opened to diplomacy. While the European Commission described US sanctions against the ICC as \u201cdeeply regrettable\u201d and said the EU was \u201cready to take any necessary measures to enable the court to carry out its work\u201d, it added that it hoped the six-month delay meant \u201cthere is room for dialogue\u201d. The EU high representative Kaja Kallas<\/a> echoed a similar wish to negotiate. And Dutch Prime Minister Rob Jetten, while asserting to \u201cdo whatever we need to defend the ICC,\u201d also suggested that it was \u201ccrucial\u201d that the sanctions do not take effect immediately, because that would provide room for dialogue with the American government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cI fear that that is somewhat overly optimistic. Many others that have interacted with this administration in the past have learned that there\u2019s very little to negotiate. There\u2019s little to appease. States may try and make some concessions toward this administration, in many respects, potentially sacrificing their values or dignity in the process, only to find that this administration doesn\u2019t budge. And if anything, it may throw them under a bus further,\u201d says van Schaack.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Much of the diplomatic pressure now on the EU, UK and Canada as the court\u2019s major supporters is to deploy a legal instrument known as a \u201cblocking mechanism\u201d, which counters another country\u2019s sanctions by telling European firms they would face fines in they comply. Diplomats in The Hague have told Justice Info that all the mechanisms are in place and agreed. Van Schaack is hopeful it means that \u201cthe states that have invested so much time, energy, resources, diplomatic activity, in creating this court, actually step up and defend it. We\u2019ve seen in the past when different countries and configurations of countries stand up to the Trump administration, it can sometimes back down and some sort of a modus vivendi can be reached.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n

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Recommended reading<\/div>\r\n\t\t\t
\"An<\/div><\/a>\r\n\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\tICC: \u201cFor the US, this is a testing ground for other levers of influence\u201d\r\n\t\t<\/a>\r\n\t\t\r\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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The court and its supporters have been given a six-month ultimatum. But what will they make of it?","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/167406-us-sanctions-against-the-icc-options-for-a-six-months-ultimatum.html#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/167406-us-sanctions-against-the-icc-options-for-a-six-months-ultimatum.html"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/167406-us-sanctions-against-the-icc-options-for-a-six-months-ultimatum.html#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/International-Criminal-court_ICC-CPI-stopwatch_@Shutterstock-Justice-Info.jpg","contentUrl":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/International-Criminal-court_ICC-CPI-stopwatch_@Shutterstock-Justice-Info.jpg","width":1200,"height":800,"caption":"The Trump administration has given the Court and its supporters a six-month ultimatum to comply. \u201cStates [parties to the ICC] may attempt to make certain concessions to this administration, sacrificing their values or dignity in the process, only to find in the end that this administration will not budge an inch,\u201d warns Beth van Schaack, former US Ambassador-at-Large for Global Criminal Justice. 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