{"id":33263,"date":"2017-05-09T13:56:18","date_gmt":"2017-05-09T11:56:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/33263-can-memorialisation-generate-public-demand-for-transitional-justice-in-sri-lanka.html"},"modified":"2017-05-09T13:56:18","modified_gmt":"2017-05-09T11:56:18","slug":"can-memorialisation-generate-public-demand-for-transitional-justice-in-sri-lanka","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/33263-can-memorialisation-generate-public-demand-for-transitional-justice-in-sri-lanka.html","title":{"rendered":"Can Memorialisation Generate Public Demand for Transitional Justice in Sri Lanka?"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Sri Lanka\u2019s three-decade civil war in the North and East of the country, along with an insurrection in the South, witnessed the death and disappearance of thousands. Despite these egregious events, the Sri Lankan state has failed to provide public spaces for memorialisation. In this context, transitional justice practitioners in Sri Lanka have advocated for state-sponsored promotion of memorialisation. Scholars and victims are, however, divided on the issue.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\u00a0This article offers an alternative perspective on the importance of \u2018victim-centred\u2019 memorialisation in Sri Lanka. It argues that memorialisation of victim experiences can help generate public demand for transitional justice. Therefore, the \u2018public\u2019 benefits of memorialisation must be appreciated in addition to its potential \u2018personal\u2019 benefits. The article is presented in three sections. The first briefly discusses a recent debate on memorialisation between Pablo de Greiff and David Rieff, and explains the importance of memorialisation to a transitional justice project. The second section discusses the diverse views of particular victim groups in Sri Lanka. It explains why some families who believe that their disappeared relatives are still alive resist the idea of memorialisation, as they see no \u2018personal\u2019 benefit in it. The final section of this article presents a case for reshaping the debate on memorialisation in Sri Lanka. It contends that memorialisation has a distinct \u2018public value\u2019, as it can ensure that a society \u2013 and not just victim groups \u2013 confronts the need for transitional justice.<\/p>\n

\u00a0The debate on memorialisation<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Scholars are divided on whether memorialisation advances or impedes transitional justice and reconciliation. David Rieff, for instance, offers a pragmatic argument<\/a> against remembrance. He contends<\/a>: \u2018historical memory is rarely as hospitable to peace and reconciliation as it is to grudge-keeping, duelling martyrologies and enduring enmity\u2019. Similarly, in Sri Lanka \u2018not dwelling on the past\u2019 but \u2018focusing on the future\u2019 is often prescribed as the remedy that will eventually heal the wounds of conflict. Rieff\u2019s concerns with respect to the dangers of manipulative and one-sided remembrance need to be taken seriously. Yet, as pointed out<\/a> by Pablo de Greiff, such concerns do not justify a generalised antipathy towards memorialisation. He explains that the state\u2019s duty to preserve memory is subject to a process of \u2018examination, contestation, contextualisation, and verification characteristic of both historical methodologies and the work of, for example, truth commissions.\u2019 De Greiff accordingly makes a normative case for recognising a state\u2019s \u2018duty to remember\u2019, as it safeguards \u2018accounts of the past that are sufficient to set inquiry in directions that have been previously kept hidden.\u2019 Hence meaningful memorialisation could assist a society in the process of reckoning with its past and ensuring non-recurrence of violence.<\/p>\n

The views of victims<\/strong><\/h3>\n

\u00a0<\/strong>Some victims remain sceptical of the value of memorialisation despite its potential to advance transitional justice. In the study, Confronting the Complexity of Loss<\/a>, I invited several participants (all of whom were victims or survivors of major violent events in Sri Lanka\u2019s recent history) to reflect on the importance of memorialising past events. It was explained that memorialising could take various forms. These forms could be \u2018public\u2019 in nature, such as monuments or special dates set aside for the purpose of remembrance, or \u2018private\u2019, such as an almsgiving. Interestingly, the participants were divided on the issue. Some victims and survivors insisted that memorialising was important \u2013 even indispensible. They contended that remembering their loss was an important feature of their personal struggle towards recovery. Others meanwhile felt that their closure depended on forgetting the past and moving on. Yet, as captured in the findings<\/a> of Sri Lanka\u2019s Consultation Task Force on Reconciliation Mechanisms (CTF), victims have generally demanded space for memorialisation as a symbolic form of reparation.<\/p>\n

\u00a0I encountered a further view on memorialisation when I recently met several families of the disappeared at an event<\/a> organised in Colombo by Amnesty International. The event included a workshop on the Argentine experience on memorialisation. It aimed to help families develop strategies to compel the Sri Lankan state to provide spaces for memorialisation. Yet a number of participants expressed the view that memorialisation amounted to \u2018conceding\u2019 that their missing relatives were deceased. These participants believed that their relatives were alive; hence they rejected the idea of memorialisation altogether, and insisted that the state\u2019s role was to ensure truth \u2013 not memory. They also expressed frustration at the lack of progress on the state\u2019s fulfilment of its commitments<\/a> to establish truth-seeking and accountability mechanisms in Sri Lanka. The attitude of these participants revealed a serious gap in Sri Lanka\u2019s discourse on memorialisation; it was still largely conceptualised as an endeavour that can offer only \u2018personal\u2019 value (if at all) rather than \u2018public\u2019 value.<\/p>\n

\u00a0From the \u2018personal\u2019 to the \u2018public\u2019<\/strong><\/h3>\n

\u00a0Participants at events on memorialisation in Sri Lanka, such as the Amnesty International event, almost exclusively comprise victims, artists and activists. Victims often find themselves trapped in an \u2018echo chamber\u2019 \u2013 where their experiences do not reach broader society. This is precisely why \u2013 in addition to its normative purpose \u2013 the instrumental purpose of memorialisation must be understood. Remembering the past can have both \u2018personal\u2019 and \u2018public\u2019 value. On the one hand, it can offer victims a dignified means of maintaining the memory of lost family members. On the other, it can prompt a society to reflect on its past, and work towards the non-recurrence of violence in the future. These values are mutually reinforcing, as the state\u2019s commitment towards transitional justice is often animated by public sentiment.<\/p>\n

\u00a0All victim groups \u2013 including families of the disappeared \u2013 must come to realise that it is the \u2018public\u2019 value in memorialisation that creates the space for truth, justice and reparations. Compelling a society to confront its past is often the most effective means of generating broader public empathy, and consequently, an acceptance of the need for transitional justice. The state\u2019s general reluctance to deliver meaningful truth-seeking and accountability mechanisms to victims could be transformed if a broader constituency is drawn into understanding victims\u2019 experiences. In some sense, the line between victims and the rest of society must be blurred.\u00a0<\/p>\n

An urgent need for a \u2018victim-centred\u2019 process of public memorialisation is reflected in the Sri Lankan state\u2019s current apathy towards victim memorialisation. There are very few public monuments or memorials in Sri Lanka that commemorate victims and survivors of man-made tragedies. The capital city, Colombo \u2013 the venue of recurring violence, including the 1983 anti-Tamil pogrom, civilian bombings by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, and countless disappearances of youth during an insurrection in the late 1980s \u2013 does not have a single monument commemorating victims and survivors of recent atrocities. By contrast, Colombo has witnessed a proliferation of monuments dedicated to the military. At least three war memorials commemorating military casualties of war exist in Colombo: a British War Memorial, a memorial for the Indian Peace Keeping Forces, and a memorial for Sri Lankan servicemen lost during the civil war. Thus the state, in defining war and post-war narratives, has rejected victim-centred memorialisation. The prescription for society appears to be clear: remember the soldiers who freed society from \u2018terrorism\u2019, not the victims and survivors who suffered in the process.<\/p>\n

\u00a0A meaningful process of memorialisation in Sri Lanka is urgently needed to challenge this state narrative, and to create and maintain space for transitional justice. Victim groups \u2013 including the families of the disappeared \u2013 must get behind such a process. They must be convinced of the value of memorialisation \u2013 if not in its ability to deliver immediate personal redress, at least in its potential to generate a transformative public conversation. Such a conversation is key to sustaining political commitment towards transitional justice in Sri Lanka.<\/p>\n

\u00a0Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n

\u00a0When victims are prevented from remembering their experiences, the memory of a violent history may be lost, and with it, any real hope of discovering the truth or securing justice. As Phillip Lee explains<\/a>: \u2018The first step on the road to restitution is to resurrect or rehabilitate a people\u2019s memory.\u2019 While some scholars and victim groups may be sceptical about the benefits of memorialisation, there is a compelling case for recognising the \u2018public\u2019 value of memorialisation. As de Greiff points out, such memorialisation must be the work of careful examination, contestation, contextualisation, and verification. At the normative level, we must recognise the state\u2019s duty to preserve victims\u2019 memory. At an instrumental level, we must recognise that meaningful transitional justice is \u2013 politically speaking \u2013 difficult to achieve until Sri Lankan society collectively confronts the legacy of violent conflict. Thus an emphasis on the \u2018public\u2019 value of memorialisation is crucial, as memorialisation can be vital to generating public demand for transitional justice. It is such public demand that ultimately animates political will to deliver truth and justice for victims. As observed by the CTF, memorialisation processes must \u2018strive for a sense of collective ownership.\u2019 In the end, the face of the victim must be multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-cultural, so that a society, as a whole, might unite in grief.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Gehan Gunatilleke is a Research Director at Verit\u00e9 Research, and a Commonwealth scholar at New College, University of Oxford. He is the author of Confronting the<\/em> Complexity of Loss: Perspectives on Truth, Memory and Justice in Sri Lanka<\/em> (2015).<\/strong><\/p>\n

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Despite these egregious events, the Sri Lankan state has failed to provide public spaces for memorialisation. 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