{"id":34594,"date":"2017-09-12T12:06:53","date_gmt":"2017-09-12T10:06:53","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/34594-colombia-s-farc-rebels-have-rebranded-as-a-political-party-now-they-need-a-leader.html"},"modified":"2017-09-12T12:06:53","modified_gmt":"2017-09-12T10:06:53","slug":"colombia-s-farc-rebels-have-rebranded-as-a-political-party-now-they-need-a-leader","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/34594-colombia-s-farc-rebels-have-rebranded-as-a-political-party-now-they-need-a-leader.html","title":{"rendered":"Colombia's FARC rebels need a leader"},"content":{"rendered":"
\n

Ever since Colombia signed<\/a> its fragile, contested peace agreement with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC)<\/a> in November 2016, the big question has been: What will this no-longer-armed insurgency do next?<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

On Aug. 28, the FARC made its official reply. In its first congress since disarmament<\/a>, the Marxist guerrilla group unveiled Colombia\u2019s newest political party: the Fuerza Alternativa Revolucionaria del Com\u00fan, or Commoners\u2019 Alternative Revolutionary Force.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe new party will be built with many voices and diverse ideas,\u201d announced Rodrigo Londo\u00f1o Echeverri, the FARC\u2019s top commander, via Twitter.<\/p>\n

In keeping their well-known acronym but setting aside the violence, the FARC seems to be embracing the opportunities and obligations of the 2016 accords. These enabled former combatants to participate in Colombia\u2019s political system<\/a> after disarmament<\/a> \u2013 including, controversially, allocating the group 10 congressional seats for a period of two four-year terms.<\/p>\n

As the campaign season for the 2018 presidential and congressional elections heats up<\/a>, everyone is now wondering whether this insurgency turned political party can find its place on Colombia\u2019s political stage.<\/p>\n

New horizons<\/h3>\n

For five decades, the FARC used violence to push its Marxist agenda of land reform and anti-capitalist revolution, forestalling political solutions to social problems<\/a> and silencing the voice of millions of Colombians.<\/p>\n

In doing so, it also launched a roiling armed conflict that turned eight million people into victims<\/a> of homicide, terrorism, grievous injury and displacement.<\/p>\n

The FARC maintains<\/a> that it resorted to armed struggle because the Colombian political elite ran the country like a caste system, ignoring the struggles of the rural and peasant classes, which for much of the 20th century accounted for 70 percent of Colombia\u2019s population<\/a>.<\/p>\n

The FARC is now hoping to position itself as the party for these marginalized voters. To succeed, it must develop new organizational capacities, including the ability to process internal dissent and debate while maintaining party unity \u2013 a tricky feat considering that several FARC units have already reneged on the peace agreements<\/a>.<\/p>\n

It must also build a political platform that can reach a wider segment of the Colombian electorate. Today, three-quarters of all Colombians live in cities<\/a>. Voters in Bogota or Cali do not necessarily share the needs of the rural sectors that shaped the FARC\u2019s political agenda.<\/p>\n

The FARC\u2019s leadership is clearly aware that low popularity<\/a> is a weakness. Recently, FARC leadership invited the former soccer star Rene Higuita<\/a> to run as a FARC congressional candidate, and they have made other clear bids to attract the general population.<\/p>\n

There is certainly room for new voices in Colombia\u2019s political debate. In the past, peace and security have topped Colombians\u2019 list of concerns<\/a>. But since the peace process, voters have turned their attention to other issues, including corruption<\/a> and its role in the state\u2019s inability to deliver services.<\/p>\n

The FARC\u2019s rhetoric during its armed struggle often centered on health care, public education and economic development, so it is now closely associated with demands for better state services. As such, the group has the potential to promote a political agenda of inclusion and to advocate for more effective solutions to the problems that concern Colombians across the country.<\/p>\n

Room for debate<\/h3>\n

Signs of change are already afoot. Earlier this year, when the citizens of Buenaventura took to the streets to protest low wages and lack of basic services<\/a>, newspapers reported dispassionately on the marches, giving voice to protestors\u2019 grievances.<\/p>\n

In the past, media commentators were generally quick to dub such marches as \u201cFARC-inspired.\u201d This effectively delegitimized<\/a> peasants\u2019 complaints of state neglect<\/a>.<\/p>\n

This subtle shift illustrates the political opening created by the peace process: The FARC\u2019s absence as a violent actor makes a proper democracy possible in Colombia.<\/p>\n

But the success of the new FARC will not depend entirely on its ability to attract public support. In this fractured nation, the group must also be seen as a force for reconciliation.<\/p>\n

And, paradoxically enough, this is made possible by the fact that many powerful, hawkish Colombian politicians tried to derail last year\u2019s accords<\/a>, which allowed the new FARC to position themselves as agents of peace.<\/p>\n

The Colombian establishment is unintentionally empowering the new FARC in other ways, too. For decades armed conflict and fear were used as a shield<\/a> to cover up malfeasance by government officials and state institutions. Peace has made corruption far more visible<\/a>, and it now sits squarely on the FARC\u2019s agenda.<\/p>\n

The Green Party, Liberal Party and some conservative parties, too, are starting to join the anti-corruption crusade<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Show me a leader<\/h3>\n

There\u2019s one major hurdle, however, in the FARC\u2019s thus far fortuitous rebirth: its graying hierarchy.<\/p>\n

The average age of the FARC\u2019s top leadership is 65, and Comandante Lodo\u00f1o Echevarri, who also goes by Timochenko, has spent recent months in Havana under the care of Cuban doctors after a heart attack<\/a> and seizure<\/a> in July.<\/p>\n

Timochenko is a respected rebel leader who successfully ended the group\u2019s war on Colombia\u2019s government, something numerous predecessors had failed to do. Some even anticipated<\/a> that he would be nominated for a joint Nobel Peace Prize alongside President Juan Manuel Santos. He wasn\u2019t.<\/p>\n

\"\"
Despite health issues, Timochenko has continued to lead the FARC through its transition from armed rebel group to political party.<\/span> \u00a9<\/b>Henry Romero\/Reuters<\/span><\/span><\/em><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Health issues aside, guerrilla commander and party boss are very different jobs. To build its constituency, the party will need a powerful and charismatic leader who embraces a discourse of peace and reconciliation, not war and confrontation.<\/p>\n

One obvious contender among the many candidates currently receiving speculation<\/a> is Luciano Marin, also known as Ivan M\u00e1rquez, a former politician and FARC member who led the guerrilla group\u2019s peace negotiations in Havana.<\/p>\n

But there are also many civilians who came to the FARC from the labor movement, activism and the left-leaning Marcha Patri\u00f3tica party. Choosing a leader unburdened by the group\u2019s militaristic past would project a new image for the party. A young leader could speak more directly to the youth of Colombia.<\/p>\n

Whoever takes the helm of the new FARC must represent all its members, merging the interests of its newest ranks with those of its core constituency. It will require diplomacy and tact to form a united front from these disparate streams \u2013 peasants, former combatants, urbanites \u2013 and sell the country on a party born of both violence and peace.<\/p>\n

Sustaining that political institution will prove another challenge. In the past, demobilized armed groups like the populist ADM-19<\/a> have found that their political movements were initially popular but ultimately short-lived.<\/p>\n

If this political movement fails, too, it would give fodder to radical sectors that still promote armed struggle as a means to political change.<\/p>\n

In an irony familiar to other post-conflict nations<\/a>, peace now rests heavily in the hands of those who waged war. The FARC\u2019s success is in Colombia\u2019s best interest, but it\u2019s far from guaranteed.<\/p>\n

This article was originally published on The Conversation<\/a>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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