{"id":40164,"date":"2019-02-04T07:00:00","date_gmt":"2019-02-04T06:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/40164-liking-genocide-on-facebook-myanmar-rohingya.html"},"modified":"2019-02-04T07:00:00","modified_gmt":"2019-02-04T06:00:00","slug":"liking-genocide-on-facebook-myanmar-rohingya","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/40164-liking-genocide-on-facebook-myanmar-rohingya.html","title":{"rendered":"Liking genocide on Facebook"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>The social media network Facebook is 15 years old today. The role of the platform in fueling hate speech has been widely discussed recently. At the heart of it was the case of Myanmar, where Facebook was used in the campaign to force hundreds of thousands of Rohingya out of the country in a crime that amount to genocide, according to the UN. Should Facebook be held accountable in the future? Will it?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><!--more--><\/p>\n<p>The multi-billion-dollar US social media company Facebook has spent the last year being pilloried as the platform through which fake news has been spread and amplified, potentially altering election and referenda results worldwide.<\/p>\n<p>Apparently low on the list of international hashtag outrage though, is the way that the company has made mistakes as it has expanded and hoovered up millions of new users in fragile states. Especially in Myanmar, where an estimated <a href=\"https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/world-asia-41566561\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">700,000 Rohingya Muslims<\/a> were forced out of their homes, following a vicious hate speech campaign, in what the UN has <a href=\"https:\/\/news.un.org\/en\/story\/2018\/08\/1017802\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">described as a genocide<\/a>.<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>I wouldn\u2019t be surprised if relatively soon there are new regulatory frameworks put in place, to help clarify the very unknown space around the duty that platforms have<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>Will Facebook ever truly be held to account for its (in-)actions in places like Myanmar? <a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/EIrvingNL\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Emma Irving<\/a>, Assistant Professor at Leiden University Law School, believes it is very unlikely. \u201cThey\u2019ve monopolized this public space, and they have control over it, with no accountability,\u201d she says. \u201cI think times may be changing,\u201d suggests <a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/KAlexaKoenig\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Alexa Koenig<\/a>, Director of the Human Rights Center (HRC) at Berkeley University. \u201cI wouldn\u2019t be surprised if relatively soon there [are] new regulatory frameworks put in place, to help clarify the very unknown space around the duty that platforms have ultimately to the populations that they serve in very different ways.\u201d<\/p>\n<h3>The Myanmar Campaign<\/h3>\n<p>Before discussing how those frameworks may lead towards accountability for crimes, it\u2019s worth recounting what exactly has happened in Myanmar.<\/p>\n<p>Essentially, Facebook stands accused of being used to further hate speech. There appears to have been \u201can orchestrated, concerted and military-controlled campaign to use the platform to misinform the public\u201d says <a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/intergentic\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">F\u00e9lim McMahon<\/a>, Technology Director of the HRC. A journalist and investigator by trade, McMahon is currently on leave from his work at the International Criminal Court and is looking specifically at the nexus of social media and war crimes. A big <a href=\"https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/investigates\/special-report\/myanmar-facebook-hate\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Reuters investigation<\/a> to which HRC contributed explains the context of a rapid spread of smartphones as democracy was re-introduced in Myanmar after 2011. \u201cBy 2016, nearly half the population had mobile phone subscriptions... Most purchased smartphones with internet access,\u201d the report noted. And with specific low cost packages, the Facebook app went viral.<\/p>\n<p>A <a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2018\/10\/15\/technology\/myanmar-facebook-genocide.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">New York Times investigation<\/a> uncovered exactly how \u201cthe propaganda campaign \u2014 which was hidden behind fake names and sham [Facebook] accounts \u2014 went undetected. The campaign, described by five people who asked for anonymity because they feared for their safety, included hundreds of military personnel who created troll accounts and news and celebrity pages on Facebook and then flooded them with incendiary comments and posts timed for peak viewership.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>\u201cWe looked at hate speech in Myanmar for two years. Our teams were collecting instances of hate speech. It was apparent for anyone who cares to see it and collect it that there was a lot of negative sentiment being driven on the platform,\u201d confirms McMahon.<\/p>\n<h3>The limits of the algorithm<\/h3>\n<p>That Facebook was overwhelmed is evident. Efforts were made by the company at regulating content in Burmese, and offensive posts were taken down. But these efforts were both a struggle against a flood and limited by lack of deep cultural knowledge. An example outlined in the Reuters report is one particular racial slur \u2013 \"kalar\" \u2013 which can be a highly derogatory term used against Muslims, but can have a much more innocent meaning: \"chickpea\". Banning the word on Facebook, by itself, makes no sense. The push towards a purely technologically-driven, automated response to solving these issues worries Koenig. She recognizes that the sheer \u201cscale of content delivered on the platforms\u201d means a technological approach will be needed. But until social media platforms do \u201cmore sociological analysis,\u201d automated algorithms are \u201cgoing to continue to be a crude tool in light of very sensitive issues.\u201d<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>Until social media platforms do more sociological analysis, automated algorithms are going to continue to be a crude tool in light of very sensitive issues.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>Finally, Facebook <a href=\"https:\/\/newsroom.fb.com\/news\/2018\/08\/removing-myanmar-officials\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">took down 18 accounts and 52 pages<\/a> linked to Burmese officials in August 2018. The company said it had \"found evidence that many of these individuals and organizations committed or enabled serious human rights abuses in the country.\"<\/p>\n<p>A serious response to alleged genocide?<\/p>\n<h3>The rhetorical responsibility<\/h3>\n<p>\u201cThe press release Facebook on taking down these accounts would indicate to me that at least they want the world to think they are taking it seriously,\u201d says Irving who also studies digital data and atrocity accountability. Koenig is more positive: \u201cI definitely feel that they do want to get it right. I do think we are seeing a movement from the highest levels of leadership policy development at all the platforms right now of kind of struggling with how to translate that into practice in digital space.\u201d<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>The report does paint an extraordinary picture of a company that was apparently deeply unaware \u2013 at the time \u2013 of its own potential for doing harm.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>Further, the company commissioned an independent human rights report, based \u2013 it says \u2013 on the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.ohchr.org\/Documents\/Publications\/GuidingPrinciplesBusinessHR_EN.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">UN\u2019s Business and Human Rights Guiding Principles<\/a>, which it made public in November 2018. The report admonished Facebook for failing to prevent its platform from being used to \u201cfoment division and incite offline violence\u201d in Myanmar, admitted Facebook <a href=\"https:\/\/newsroom.fb.com\/news\/2018\/11\/myanmar-hria\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">executive Alex Warofka<\/a>. The report does paint an extraordinary picture of a company that was apparently deeply unaware \u2013 at the time \u2013 of its own potential for doing harm. It shows that Facebook leadership did little to figure out the facts on the ground.<\/p>\n<p>Irving describes such company-commissioned reports as part of the \u201crhetoric of responsibility\u201d which she has seen increasingly being adopted by social media companies. <a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/PillaiPriy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Priya Pillai<\/a>, senior consultant and researcher in international law who blogs at <a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/opiniojuris\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Opinio Juris<\/a>, says she had expected more substance: \u201cFacebook needs to actually acknowledge its actions and potential impact in Myanmar in a more comprehensive way, which the report really did not do. It\u2019s essentially avoided a tough discussion.\u201d<\/p>\n<h3>Proving intent<\/h3>\n<p>So can \u2013 will \u2013 Facebook ever be held accountable for the way its platform was abused? It seems unlikely.<\/p>\n<p>As a business, Facebook was required to conduct due diligence, says Irving, and to \u201cknow whether your business conduct is going to be a problem for human rights in that area.\u201d But ultimately those human rights principles are not binding. \u201cSo you hit dead ends, to be honest.\u201d<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>You could submit that because Facebook was the medium for dissemination of hate speech, that arguably created conditions for the commission of mass atrocities.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>Pillai suggests looking back to the example of how media-related individuals were prosecuted for incitement to genocide at the UN-backed Rwanda Tribunal, including top board members of the notorious radio station Mille Collines (RTLM). \u201cI do think there is a parallel,\u201d she says, arguing that even though it \u201cmay not be exactly the same situation,\u201d you could submit that because Facebook was the medium for dissemination of hate speech, that \u201carguably created conditions for the commission of mass atrocities.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>However, Irving points out that Facebook is a platform, not a media production house or broadcaster or an author. Contrary to Rwandan RTLM, \u201cit\u2019s not that Facebook itself is generating content that\u2019s hateful and inciteful.\u201d But potentially, she continues, \u201cif you build your algorithms in such a way that it promotes hateful content and inciteful content to the top of someone\u2019s news feed, you\u2019re doing more than being just a neutral hosting platform.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThere\u2019s a lot of chatter right now around what are the different legal theories for holding platforms responsible,\u201d agrees Koenig, \u201cand one of the questions I\u2019ve been asking myself as a lawyer is: Is there something akin to the \u2018knew, or should have known\u2019, like in command responsibility [cases]?\u201d. Under International Humanitarian Law, commanders can be held responsible for war crimes committed by subordinates, <a href=\"https:\/\/ihl-databases.icrc.org\/customary-ihl\/eng\/docs\/v1_rul_rule153\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">in some circumstances<\/a>, when they knew or should have known about the crimes committed and didn\u2019t do anything to prevent or punish them. But even though she recognizes the social media platforms have \u201ctremendous control over what comes into their communities,\u201d she doesn\u2019t see that it would be easy to find a suitable jurisdiction to hold them accountable.<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>If you wanted to try to prosecute Mark Zuckerberg for crimes against humanity\u2026 I think you\u2019d still have a hard time proving intent.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>Irving says flatly she believes its impossible, because of Facebook\u2019s identity as a company, not an individual. \u201cI\u2019ve looked in every nook and cranny that I can think of and from a strictly legal perspective, Facebook is a private company,\u201d and \u201cif you wanted to try to prosecute Mark Zuckerberg [Facebook\u2019s founder and chairman] for aiding and abetting genocide and crimes against humanity\u2026 I think you\u2019d still have a hard time proving intent.\u201d<\/p>\n<h3>\u201cIt\u2019s sort of like the Wild West\u201d<\/h3>\n<p>What now for Facebook?<\/p>\n<p>\u201cIt\u2019s too late for the Myanmar situation,\u201d says McMahon. You can\u2019t mitigate the past, says Irving, but you can work out \u201chow not to commit that kind of harm again in the future\u201d. The social media behemoth is certainly engaging with civil society and academics to work out how to improve. And the pressure to reform \u2013 fueled by pressure from critical investigative journalism reports \u2013 continues.<\/p>\n<p>Fragile states like Myanmar, often with deeply divisive pasts, and lacking traditions of media literacy, have become the spaces in which a social media platform such as Facebook in fact IS the internet for most people. Irving likens Facebook to a public utility and \u201cif Facebook starts to equal \u2018the internet\u2019 \u2013 as a company there are corresponding sets of duties.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>\u201cIt\u2019s sort of like the Wild West,\u201d suggests Koenig, \u201cwhere historically we populated the land, people staked their claim and the next evolution is really going to have to be the equivalent of a bill of rights or a constitution.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>\u201cWhat we are seeing is the company shifting from just shifting responsibility, avoiding regulation, now leaning in to the problem, and not just deny and disrupt,\u201d says McMahon. \u201cThe question is going to be whether they are willing to pivot,\u201d agrees Koenig. \u201cIn any institution or any field of practice there\u2019s usually a learning curve, a time period during which people are very willing to trade off responsibility for innovation,\u201d she continues. \u201cBut I do think that now that social media companies like Facebook have matured there is less of a willingness to say anything goes.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>New approaches are needed with \u201cengagement from civil society, states and platforms,\u201d says McMahon. \u201cIt\u2019s going to be an issue for leadership to decide if they\u2019re willing to listen and to learn from communities that may not naturally seem to have an obvious technological expertise,\u201d says Koenig, \u201cbut certainly have the social and cultural expertise. I think it\u2019s highly possible. But listening is a very difficult skill.\u201d<\/p>\n<h3>The danger of self-regulation<\/h3>\n<p>Another danger is of potentially going too far the other way and regulating the space for freedom of speech \u2013 banning everything \u2013 to the detriment of all, including journalists and human rights investigators. The criticism by \u201ccivil society [has been] pushing [Facebook] in the direction of becoming \u2018Big Brother\u2019 and we don\u2019t want that,\u201d says McMahon. Irving agrees on the current risk: \u201cEssentially what you\u2019re doing is giving private companies the task of deciding what speech is hateful, what speech is permissible, what counts as \u00a0incitement\u2026 We are giving them the role of deciding what we as a society consider protected speech and what speech should be removed, and the policies for the way they do this are very un-transparent and unaccountable.\u201d<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p>Essentially what you\u2019re doing is giving private companies the role of deciding what we as a society consider protected speech.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>At fifteen years old, Facebook may act as an unaccountable hate speech platform or an equally unaccountable self-regulator. Or be a more responsible adult.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The social media network Facebook is 15 years old today. The role of the platform in fueling hate speech has been widely discussed recently. At the heart of it was the case of Myanmar, where Facebook was used in the campaign to force hundreds of thousands of Rohingya out of the country in a crime [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":79,"featured_media":63622,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[557],"tags":[],"ji_location":[2365],"class_list":["post-40164","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-other","ji_location-myanmar"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v25.3.1 (Yoast SEO v25.3.1) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>Liking genocide on Facebook - JusticeInfo.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/40164-liking-genocide-on-facebook-myanmar-rohingya.html\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Liking genocide on Facebook\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The social media network Facebook is 15 years old today. 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