{"id":42847,"date":"2019-11-08T08:36:02","date_gmt":"2019-11-08T07:36:02","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/42847-first-farc-mayor-dilemma-colombia-transitional-justice.html"},"modified":"2019-11-08T08:36:02","modified_gmt":"2019-11-08T07:36:02","slug":"first-farc-mayor-dilemma-colombia-transitional-justice","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/42847-first-farc-mayor-dilemma-colombia-transitional-justice.html","title":{"rendered":"The first FARC mayor\u2019s dilemma for Colombia\u2019s transitional justice"},"content":{"rendered":"

On October 27, former guerrilla commander Guillermo Torres became the first ex-FARC member to win a local election after the 2016 peace agreement in Colombia. His case is a litmus test for the way sanctions may apply in the transitional justice process as Torres has yet to personally acknowledge any responsibility, seek forgiveness or volunteer any redress to victims of his organisation.<\/strong><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

On October 27, Guillermo Enrique Torres was elected mayor of Turbaco, an impoverished suburb of Cartagena on Colombia\u2019s Caribbean coast. With this result Torres will become the first member of the former Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) voted into local office, three years after Colombia\u2019s peace agreement paved the way for this Marxist guerrilla to transition from a life in arms in the country\u2019s jungles to democracy.<\/p>\n

His election is a novelty from a political point of view, but it also creates a number of dilemmas for Colombia\u2019s new transitional justice, as Torres is yet to acknowledge his responsibility over past deeds or redress many of the nation\u2019s 8,9 million victims.<\/p>\n

FARC\u2019s bard turned mayor<\/h3>\n

Torres, a 65-year-old political cadre formerly dubbed \u2018Julian Conrado\u2019 and better known as FARC\u2019s bard for his songs on topics such as trucks stolen<\/a> by corrupt politicians, beat his closest rival, the candidate of a well-oiled political structure that has dominated local politics for several years, by 19 percentage points. He did so by campaigning on the streets<\/a>, donning his guitar and tapping into an anti-establishment sentiment in this sprawling suburb of Cartagena, a historic colonial port visited by millions of foreign tourists every year that is also one of the cities with the worst income inequality in Colombia.<\/p>\n

Torres chose not to appear on the ballot accompanied by the red rose that the disarmed FARC chose as the logo of their rookie political party. Instead he was backed by two minority left-wing parties, a decision he made to avoid the stigma<\/a> still attached to the former guerrilla. And also out of security concerns: 168 former rebels have been murdered since late 2016, according to FARC. Joaqu\u00edn G\u00f3mez, a former commander and peace negotiator who was initially inclined to run for governor of the northern department of La Guajira, finally decided against doing so because of the risks a campaign entails.<\/p>\n

Even though FARC\u2019s transition to democracy is one of the cornerstones of the Colombian peace deal, their first results at the ballot box have been far from a success. They obtained less than 0,3% of the votes in congressional elections last year. (Although this is way under the 3% threshold that allocates seats in parliament, the peace deal guaranteed them ten seats over two legislative periods, in exchange for them flexing their electoral muscles and learning how democracy works first-hand.) Last week\u2019s local elections confirmed Colombians\u2019 seeming unwillingness to vote for them: they only got two council members elected<\/a> in small towns while another FARC member who embraced the peace deal and was backed by other left-wing parties was elected mayor in the southern town of Puerto Caicedo.<\/p>\n

The sanctions conundrum<\/h3>\n

Torres\u2019s election raises a series of questions for Colombia\u2019s brand new transitional justice system.<\/p>\n

The foundation of the peace deal is allowing FARC\u2019s transition into democracy in exchange for its members satisfying victims\u2019 rights. Thanks to this formula, former FARC commanders \u2013 as well as military who committed war crimes \u2013 may receive more lenient sentences for serious and representative crimes, such as murder and kidnapping, if they meet three conditions: acknowledging their responsibility, telling the truth, and personally helping redress victims.<\/p>\n

This means that Torres must address what occurred during the conflict before institutions like the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (known locally as the JEP) or the Truth Commission.<\/p>\n

The question is when. Should he do it before he enters office on New Year\u2019s Day? Can he do it while on the job? Would he be able to continue governing if sanctioned or does any penalty hinder him from being a public officer?<\/p>\n

There is no simple answer to these questions. The new mayor\u2019s case illustrates some of the legal and political debates on sanctions that Colombia has not resolved yet. Even though the Colombian peace accord is the world\u2019s longest at 310 pages, it left the dilemma of how FARC\u2019s political reincorporation can be made compatible with their sanctions unanswered. The Constitutional Court, the country\u2019s top tribunal, clarified<\/a> that former rebels can hold elected office before being sanctioned, as long as they comply with their obligations of telling the truth, redressing victims and not committing any crimes, and provided the JEP can suspend them if they\u2019re caught doing otherwise. It also pointed out that former FARC members can hold public office after their sanctions, in a country where prison sentences usually come accompanied with lifetime bans on civil service.<\/p>\n

There is no certainty, however, on what happens if both happen at the same time. In the end, the Constitutional Court kicked this question back to the magistrates sitting on the special peace tribunal, who are long overdue on deciding what the exact nature of sanctions will look like.<\/p>\n

A litmus test for ex-FARC rebels turned politicians<\/h3>\n

This hazy situation means that Guillermo Torres\u2019s case could become a litmus test of how willing FARC rebels-turned-politicians are to step up in keeping with their transitional justice commitments and how patient Colombians will be with them.<\/p>\n

Torres already appeared before the JEP once, during a voluntary deposition in April concerning FARC\u2019s infamous policy of kidnapping civilians for political and economic reasons. He was one of 31 former guerrilla commanders judicially linked<\/a> to this macro-case \u2013 the first one opened by the special tribunal. Torres was a negotiator during the failed peace talks between FARC and President Andr\u00e9s Pastrana between 1999 and 2002. That was precisely when the former guerrilla made kidnapping \u2013 or \u201ceconomically-motivated retentions\u201d in their jargon \u2013 their prime source of illegal financing.<\/p>\n

But he is yet to personally acknowledge any responsibility, seek forgiveness or volunteer any redress to victims of his organisation. Even though he announced on social media<\/a> he would \u201csing the pure and clean truth\u201d before the JEP, his first testimony took place behind closed doors. Torres didn\u2019t reveal anything about it besides a platitude<\/a> on love trumping war.<\/p>\n

<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cJulian Conrado [Guillermo Torres] will be the only mayor in the world with a record of international crimes on his shoulders, who hasn\u2019t sought forgiveness and hasn\u2019t redressed victims. Political rights should have been conditioned to fulfilling a symbolic penalty, to repairing and to showing contrition. I cannot see [his election] as a reason for celebration,\u201d said<\/a> Iv\u00e1n Cancino, a prominent criminal lawyer who has been critical of the peace deal. His criticism is not a solitary one. Polls during the negotiation showed<\/a> that 77% of Colombians were against immediate political participation for FARC members, even though their arrival to democracy was a requirement for a peace deal to happen.<\/p>\n

This dilemma not only applies to Torres, but also to FARC\u2019s ten lawmakers elected last year, given that the party chose to send former rebel commanders to Congress instead of choosing persons who are on the same ideological page as them but do not face criminal inquiries.<\/p>\n

In the end, the former FARC\u2019s first \u2013 and so far only \u2013 political victory in democracy could be marred unless the new mayor of Turbaco decides to own up to his past and to his group\u2019s victims.<\/p>\n

\n

THE ROCKY PATH OF THE TRUTH COMMISSION<\/strong><\/p>\n

The past two weeks have been rocky for Colombia\u2019s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Two weeks ago, former president Ernesto Samper became the first high-level politician to appear before the TRC, whose mission includes shedding light on many obscure episodes of Colombia\u2019s fifty-year-long conflict. Colombia\u2019s president between 1994 and 1998 discussed a number of issues regarding his presidency in a public conversation with the Commission\u2019s president, Jesuit priest Francisco de Roux.<\/p>\n

Samper tried to appear forthcoming, inviting other former presidents to address the TRC and defending<\/a> truth as a necessary contribution to victims and to national reconciliation. But he noticeably shied away from discussing any of the more controversial aspects of his government, including the judicially proven links between the notorious Cali drug cartel and his 1994 electoral campaign accounting. He also omitted any reflection on what led to the strong uptick<\/a> in Colombia\u2019s number of victims, which more than tripled during his presidency to over 300,000 per year.<\/p>\n

Although Colombia\u2019s TRC is only about to complete the first of its three-year term, this reality may mirror a pattern seen in other countries: soldiers and former combatants often seem more ready to admit responsibility than civilian political leaders.<\/p>\n

A week later, tragedy struck the TRC. Alfredo Molano, one of the eleven commissioners and a seasoned journalist whose books document the violence plaguing Colombia\u2019s remotest regions, died<\/a> of cancer. The remaining ten commissioners<\/a> must designate his successor over the next few months. In a scenario in which the TRC has been the object of political bickering, this could provide a unique opportunity for the Commission to select a new member who could perhaps allay the fears of businessmen, right-wing politicians and the military, three population groups who have been sceptical of its work on account of a perceived left-wing and academic bias.<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

On October 27, former guerrilla commander Guillermo Torres became the first ex-FARC member to win a local election after the 2016 peace agreement in Colombia. His case is a litmus test for the way sanctions may apply in the transitional justice process as Torres has yet to personally acknowledge any responsibility, seek forgiveness or volunteer […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":74,"featured_media":61988,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[543],"tags":[],"ji_location":[2177],"class_list":["post-42847","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-reconciliation","ji_location-colombia"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nThe first FARC mayor\u2019s dilemma for Colombia\u2019s transitional justice - JusticeInfo.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/42847-first-farc-mayor-dilemma-colombia-transitional-justice.html\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The first FARC mayor\u2019s dilemma for Colombia\u2019s transitional justice\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"On October 27, former guerrilla commander Guillermo Torres became the first ex-FARC member to win a local election after the 2016 peace agreement in Colombia. 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