{"id":43694,"date":"2020-01-31T08:22:00","date_gmt":"2020-01-31T07:22:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/43694-the-icc-in-central-african-republic-phantom-state-phantom-justice.html"},"modified":"2022-05-16T16:28:32","modified_gmt":"2022-05-16T14:28:32","slug":"the-icc-in-central-african-republic-phantom-state-phantom-justice","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/43694-the-icc-in-central-african-republic-phantom-state-phantom-justice.html","title":{"rendered":"The ICC in Central African Republic: phantom state, phantom justice"},"content":{"rendered":"

On December 11, the International Criminal Court partially confirmed charges<\/a> against two former leaders of one of the main armed groups in the Central African Republic. But the ICC\u2019s approach to accountability perpetuates a version of justice that is visible to the global community and largely absent in the lives of survivors, says Megan Manion. International justice should reconsider how it understands its responsibility to survivors of violence, she argues. <\/strong><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

For decades the Central African Republic (CAR) has struggled under the weight of the spectacular and everyday violence imparted by political elites. CAR\u2019s most recent conflict \u2013 a six-year civil war between S\u00e9l\u00e9ka militants and anti-Balaka \u201cself-defense\u201d militias \u2013 has amplified CAR\u2019s historical pattern of political hopefuls seizing power whilst shirking responsibility for violence. Such an arrangement results in what the International Crisis Group called a \u201cphantom state\u201d in 2007<\/a>: the state is as damaging in the ways it is present in the lives of Central Africans as in the ways it is absent.<\/p>\n

Without a functioning state, armed groups, CAR\u2019s armed forces and international peacekeepers consistently use sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) as a tool of war with impunity. This article makes the case that the International Criminal Court\u2019s (ICC) own practice of selecting only certain commanders as those \u201cmost responsible\u201d for the \u201cmost serious\u201d violence may very well be the cause of its consistent failure to meaningfully and adequately realize accountability for crimes of SGBV. It suggests that for CAR, the ICC actualizes a phantom justice, one that is as damaging in the ways it determines criminal culpability for SGBV as the ways in which it fails to actualize justice for survivors at all.<\/p>\n

How sexual violence is charged in Yekatom and Nga\u00efssona cases<\/h3>\n

In October 2019, the ICC charged two anti-Balaka commanders with war crimes and crimes against humanity<\/a>: Alfred \u201cRombhot\u201d Yekatom and Patrice-Edouard Nga\u00efssona. Yekatom was a former Corporal in CAR\u2019s armed forces who formed an anti-Balaka group after the S\u00e9l\u00e9ka, a politico-military coalition, successfully deposed former President Fran\u00e7ois Boziz\u00e9 in 2013. Patrice-Edouard Nga\u00efssona, once a member of Boziz\u00e9\u2019s cabinet, was the former National General Coordinator of all anti-Balaka groups. The ICC\u2019s case, known as CAR II, alleges that Nga\u00efssona \u2013 in coordination with Boziz\u00e9 in exile and Yekatom in Bangui, among others \u2013 operated a \u201cstrategic common plan\u201d to mobilize anti-Muslim sentiment and existing self-defense groups, who later came to be known as anti-Balaka, against S\u00e9l\u00e9ka militias to reclaim Bangui from S\u00e9l\u00e9ka president Michel Djotodia. In other words, the ICC has charged Yekatom on the basis of command responsibility for violence in Bangui and prefectures to its West whilst charging Nga\u00efssona with individual criminal responsibility for contributing to and commissioning violence perpetrated by all anti-Balaka groups throughout CAR.<\/p>\n

CAR II presents a dynamic case study to explore why the ICC\u2019s justice in CAR might be best described as phantom justice. Although the ICC charged Nga\u00efssona with six counts of rape as a war crime and crime against humanity in the Ombella-M\u2019Poko and Lobaye Prefectures, they did not charge Yekatom, who was the zone commander in those prefectures, with rape. Human Rights Watch, among other human rights groups, has documented acts of SGBV perpetrated by Yekatom\u2019s group<\/a>. The ICC\u2019s recent Confirmation of Charges hearing made reference to testimony by 83 forcibly conscripted children \u2013 a crime for which Yekatom has been charged \u2013 on the widespread and systematic SGBV they faced. Given this, survivors are left to wonder why only the political coordinator rather than a commander faces charges of rape.<\/p>\n

The broken link of command responsibility<\/h3>\n

The ICC operates on the principle that only some are \u201cmost responsible\u201d for atrocity, selecting only high-level commanders against whom to bring charges. Article 25 of the Rome Statute establishes that an individual is criminally liable for crimes they ordered, facilitated or to which they intentionally contributed through a group\u2019s common purpose. Article 28 goes further, stating that a commander is additionally criminally liable for crimes perpetrated by forces under their effective authority when they knew or ought to have known and failed to take all necessary and reasonable measures to prevent or repress criminal acts. These commanders are held criminally liable for crimes, in which they may not have directly participated, on the basis of command responsibility \u2013 they are effectively treated as a proxy for the significant number of perpetrators on the ground.<\/p>\n

Within this framework, CAR II could find Nga\u00efssona individually criminally responsible for SGBV under Article 25 and Yekatom additionally responsible as a commander under Article 28. Yet the recent acquittal of Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo for crimes perpetrated during Boziz\u00e9\u2019s 2003 coup revealed just how complicated it is to hold a commander accountable for exercising control over his forces under Article 28. The ICC\u2019s first case in CAR, known now as CAR I, charged Bemba on the basis of command responsibility for rape perpetrated by his forces hired to defend Patass\u00e9\u2019s government. The ICC Trial Chamber in CAR I initially determined that Bemba\u2019s command responsibility was a form of liability for the failure to exercise control and thus amounted to participation, rather than a separate offense of commission.<\/p>\n

Two years after Bemba was convicted, the Appellate Chamber concluded that Bemba\u2019s status as a remote commander and a minimal effort to take reasonable measures to repress criminal acts extinguished his responsibility. In effect, the CAR I Appellate Chamber broke the link between the power a commander holds over subordinates and their responsibility to wield that power to control their forces. CAR I has effectively carved out a shield for commanders who operate from a distance, exactly as Nga\u00efssona did, to wield when facing demands for accountability. In CAR II\u2019s context, the link between those who have power and necessarily exercise authority over their militias and are therefore also responsible for the actions of those forces is already a tenuous connection. As a result, even as the ICC determines justice has to be done, it also legitimates the very notion that responsibility is an optional requirement to holding authority.<\/p>\n

\r\n\t\t\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\t
Recommended reading<\/div>\r\n\t\t\t
\"\"<\/div><\/a>\r\n\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\tSexual violence persists in CAR without justice, but what form of justice is needed?\r\n\t\t<\/a>\r\n\t\t\r\n\t\t\t\t<\/div><\/span><\/p>\n

Sexual violence victims: Justice for whom?<\/h3>\n

The CAR I acquittal has significant political implications for conditions on the ground and for the prospects of justice in CAR II. In centring international justice around only the few who are most responsible, the acts of sexual violence that matter to the ICC are also limited. CAR I and CAR II demonstrate key problems in how the ICC understands the nature of the violence in the S\u00e9l\u00e9ka\/anti-Balaka conflict and how it relates to victims. CAR I used a definition of rape that did not depend on a victim\u2019s lack of consent, but rather proving the \u201cphysical invasion.\u201d<\/p>\n

Such an approach attempts to contextualize and un-gender SGBV, but the effect was to reduce the type of testimony the Court was willing to hear about SGBV in CAR writ large. As a result, women and girls only accounted for 39 of the 1,051 victims whose testimonies were approved. From the investigation to trial stage, 40% of the testimony about sexual violence was excluded because judges concluded the evidence was redundant. Acts of SGBV that did not constitute rape were subsumed by other charges in CAR I, including \u201coutrages of personal dignity\u201d or \u201ctorture,\u201d which themselves were excluded from the trial. In CAR II, acts of sexual violence that do not constitute rape are subsumed by the crime of \u201cpersecution.\u201d The ICC\u2019s practice renders countless acts of atrocity immaterial and excludes survivors of SGBV, after they re-live the violence through testimony for the sake of justice. This practice establishes a sliding scale for victims\u2019 participation: only those victims who are willing to give testimony to the violence they survived to the Trial Chamber\u2019s satisfaction are allowed to participate in the ICC\u2019s justice.<\/p>\n

Put simply, the ICC\u2019s practice has placed Central Africans at a great deal of risk precisely because CAR remains a phantom state. SGBV is a highly visible and public form of violence in CAR, but most survivors don\u2019t tell anyone what has happened to them. Silence amplifies the violence of SGBV. To choose to give testimony before the ICC only to be dismissed does just as much, perhaps more, damage to survivors seeking justice. A responsibility to punish notwithstanding, the ICC, practitioners and scholars of transitional justice carry a distinct obligation to survivors of SGBV to create spaces for truth-telling and reconciliation precisely because those crimes persist well past ceasefires, peace agreements and prosecutions.<\/p>\n

Considering the case of CAR, it remains critical to point out that, try as they might, liberal institutions of the West struggle to actually \u201cdo\u201d justice \u2013 in CAR and elsewhere. It is therefore critical to recognise the limitations of the ICC approach in CAR II to determining who is ultimately responsible for mass violence, particularly where local processes are slow to investigate and prosecute.<\/p>\n

\n

\"OTJROXFORD TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE RESEARCH<\/strong><\/p>\n

This article has been published as part of a partnership between JusticeInfo.net and the Oxford Transitional Justice Research (OTJR), a network of high-level transitional justice researchers which is part of the University of Oxford. Justiceinfo.net publishes OTJR publications under the joint responsibility of its editor and OTJR.<\/p>\n

\n

\"MeganMegan Manion <\/strong>is a political scientist with an M.Sc. in the Politics of Conflict, Rights and Justice from SOAS, University of London, specialising in conflict and post-conflict transition, particularly peace, justice, truth and reconciliation. Her research explores the theory and practice of transitional justice, focusing on constructions of power and agency in the afterlives of colonialism, mass violence and transitional justice mechanisms.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

On December 11, the International Criminal Court partially confirmed charges against two former leaders of one of the main armed groups in the Central African Republic. But the ICC\u2019s approach to accountability perpetuates a version of justice that is visible to the global community and largely absent in the lives of survivors, says Megan Manion. […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":64,"featured_media":62204,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[567,559],"tags":[],"ji_location":[2165],"class_list":["post-43694","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion","category-oxford-partnership","ji_location-central-african-republic"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nThe ICC in Central African Republic: phantom state, phantom justice - JusticeInfo.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/43694-the-icc-in-central-african-republic-phantom-state-phantom-justice.html\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"The ICC in Central African Republic: phantom state, phantom justice\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"On December 11, the International Criminal Court partially confirmed charges against two former leaders of one of the main armed groups in the Central African Republic. 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But the ICC\u2019s approach to accountability perpetuates a version of justice that is visible to the global community and largely absent in the lives of survivors, says Megan Manion. 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