{"id":44027,"date":"2020-03-19T09:08:00","date_gmt":"2020-03-19T08:08:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/44027-political-tussle-over-truth-and-memory-in-colombia.html"},"modified":"2020-03-19T09:08:00","modified_gmt":"2020-03-19T08:08:00","slug":"political-tussle-over-truth-and-memory-in-colombia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/44027-political-tussle-over-truth-and-memory-in-colombia.html","title":{"rendered":"Political tussle over truth and memory in Colombia"},"content":{"rendered":"

Truth is purportedly the first casualty of war. It is also the object of constant wrangling in Colombia\u2019s transition. While many Colombians are looking towards the Truth Commission to shed light on 52 years of conflict, President Iv\u00e1n Duque has been promoting other spaces in which sectors critical of the peace agreement have been flocking to. <\/strong><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

Colombia\u2019s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) just completed its first in a three-year term, in which more than establishing what happened, it seeks to find a common ground that can foster reconciliation. \u201cOur goal is not to disrupt this country, point fingers or sow more hate and division, but rather to arrive at a truth that may give all Colombians a wider understanding on how, whether by action or omission, we arrived at a human tragedy that numbers almost 9 million victims,\u201d said<\/a> Jesuit priest Francisco de Roux, the Commission\u2019s president.<\/p>\n

To do so, the TRC first had to agree on what its strategy to build truth would be. Part of its eleven commissioners initially viewed their central mission as cobbling together an in-depth report on what had led Colombia down this path. Another half saw it more along the lines of the \u2018third generation\u2019 TRCs like Peru\u2019s, which sought to involve society in public hearings where truth is clarified and to enable collective catharsis from atrocities. In the end, they settled on doing both. While ten teams are working on gathering information, others have been organising gatherings in which citizens can share their stories and reflect together.<\/p>\n

At the same time, the TRC is one of three institutions in a broader transitional justice system, in which a Special Peace Jurisdiction (JEP) is responsible for judicial accountability and another agency seeks out persons who have been deemed missing. It\u2019s the TRC\u2019s responsibility to certify which perpetrators have satisfactorily contributed to truth and may therefore qualify<\/a> for more lenient sanctions.<\/p>\n

5.243 victims heard by the TRC<\/h3>\n

Until December, the TRC had listened to 5.243 victims and 10.755 persons, in formats including individual interviews, collective testimonies and hearings with names such as \u2018encounters for truth\u2019 and \u2018dialogues for non-recurrence\u2019 in which it has sought citizens\u2019 take on how to solve problems like the alarming rise<\/a> in attacks against human rights defenders.<\/p>\n

However, its work has had limited national visibility, undercut by President Iv\u00e1n Duque\u2019s decision not to attend its inauguration in November 2018 or give it any public recognition. This political reality makes widening the TRC\u2019s credibility all the more important, with replacing journalist Alfredo Molano, who died<\/a> of cancer in October, one of its key challenges today. A new commissioner will be chosen on April 1st, after a public call for candidates.<\/p>\n

In a scenario in which the transitional justice system has been the object of political bickering<\/a>, this could provide a unique opportunity for the TRC to select someone capable of allaying the fears of population groups who have been sceptical of its work on account of a perceived left-wing and academic bias. These include businessmen, right-wing parties and the military, even though one of its commissioners<\/a> is a retired army major.<\/p>\n

\"Colombia's
Dialogue session organized by the Truth Commission in the city of Quibd\u00f3 (western Colombia). \u00a9 Comision de la Verdad<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

A decade\u2019s work seeking truth<\/h3>\n

Segments of society that are wary of the truth commission are already finding a new ally: the national government. Just over a decade ago, the demobilization of paramilitary groups during \u00c1lvaro Uribe\u2019s government (2002-2010) brought a significant feat with it: a Historical Memory Group was created to begin documenting dark episodes of Colombia\u2019s recent history, with an emphasis on emblematic crimes perpetrated by those non-state actors.<\/p>\n

In 2011, when his successor Juan Manuel Santos signed a landmark victims\u2019 bill<\/a> to officially acknowledge the victims of the armed conflict and begin redressing them, this group got a major boost. It then became a government agency called the National Centre for Historical Memory, which scaled up research on violence during conflict and extended it to armed groups, including the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC) and National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrillas and state actors.<\/p>\n

Led by respected sociologist<\/a> Gonzalo S\u00e1nchez, the centre spearheaded an impressive body of academic work. Over two different administrations, it has produced 102 book-length investigations<\/a> documenting human rights violations and diverse effects of Colombia\u2019s conflict, ranging from forced displacement, land dispossession, sexual violence<\/a> and kidnappings to violence towards indigenous communities, local politicians, journalists or transgender persons. With its wide scope and dedicated teams of researchers, this corpus has led many to believe that Colombia has already advanced much towards building the truth.<\/p>\n

These are also the reports that the TRC has used to feed its work and that the JEP has been using<\/a> to decide which international crimes it prioritises and to build its macro cases. Yet, amid the partisan bickering and widespread polarization that engulfed the peace deal with FARC, the centre has recently been caught in political turmoil.<\/p>\n

\r\n\t\t\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\t
Recommended reading<\/div>\r\n\t\t\t
\"\"<\/div><\/a>\r\n\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\tSexual violence, the new punching bag in the Colombian transition (Part 1)\r\n\t\t<\/a>\r\n\t\t\r\n\t\t\t\t<\/div><\/span><\/p>\n

The Memory Centre\u2019s sudden swerve<\/h3>\n

As President Duque charged against a transitional justice system he and his party say they don\u2019t trust and returned to Uribe\u2019s narrative that Colombia never suffered an internal armed conflict but a terrorist threat, they also paved the way for an institution whose work had garnered a rare instance of political consensus to switch courses.<\/p>\n

After Duque\u2019s first candidate to lead the National Centre for Historical Memory stepped down amid controversy<\/a>, he chose Dar\u00edo Acevedo, a previously little-known historian and university professor whose views on Colombia\u2019s recent history have made him a divisive figure. \u201cAlthough the victims\u2019 bill says what we endured was an armed conflict, this cannot be made an official truth,\u201d Acevedo said<\/a> in an interview after being tapped.<\/p>\n

Many victims and organisations were alarmed. The Colombian Network of Places of Memory, which comprises 28 memory sites nationwide, suspended<\/a> the centre\u2019s membership last month citing an \u201cevident contempt for victims and places of memory\u201d. The International Coalition of Sites of Conscience, a global historical memory network, followed<\/a> suit.<\/p>\n

Acevedo has dismissed critiques as a politically-motivated smear campaign by \u201cowners of truth\u201d. \u201cThey have elevated the notion of armed conflict as dogma, as if its acknowledgment sheds light on all of the country\u2019s problems,\u201d he wrote in a recent op-ed piece<\/a>, in which he accused his critics of waging a \u201cHoly Inquisition\u201d and \u201cJihad\u201d against him and compared them to Stalin\u2019s infamous purges or the Ministry of Truth in George Orwell\u2019s 1984<\/em>.<\/p>\n

In February, Acevedo unveiled<\/a> the centre\u2019s public call for proposals for new investigations on the effects of the armed conflict, offering up to 100,000 dollars for research groups and designating officials at the newly-created Science Ministry as jurors. In an annex<\/a>, it details which investigation lines will be considered, including crimes perpetrated by guerrillas, environmental crimes and the effects of conflict on specific population groups such as the military, businessmen, the elderly or the handicapped.<\/p>\n

Many of these topics make sense, as they have not been the object of exhaustive investigation. As JusticeInfo<\/em> showed<\/a>, scientists and environmental leaders have been pushing for research on the ways in which the environment and its caretakers were affected by war. Military were not frequently sought as sources until the centre\u2019s 2017 report<\/a> on landmine victims.<\/p>\n

More questionable is the centre\u2019s decision to close the door on research on crimes perpetrated by paramilitary groups or state actors such as the military or police, while it still promotes an entire subtopic on crimes committed by four guerrillas, including the now disarmed FARC and the still active ELN. \u201cIts research lines are biased and have a clear ideological background, suggesting that guerrillas were the only perpetrators,\u201d said<\/a> an open letter from the faculty of social sciences at the University of Antioquia, one of the largest in the country, inviting researchers not to submit proposals.<\/p>\n

\u201cSome of the greatest contributions towards understanding the armed conflict over the past decade have come from the centre, but its new director doesn\u2019t seem willing to build on previous work or acknowledge its quality,\u201d says Javier Revelo Rebolledo, a political scientist and professor at Rosario University who also decided against participating. \u201cI think excluding certain actors is problematic. It\u2019s reasonable to expect that we\u2019ll see more research on FARC\u2019s deeds and victims, given that they\u2019re appearing before the transitional justice. It shouldn\u2019t be a political decision, but rather the result of the spirit of the times,\u201d he adds.<\/p>\n

A space for sceptical sectors<\/h3>\n

Duque\u2019s government has been actively seeking to work with those groups who are wary of the TRC. One month ago, Acevedo and Fedegan, the largest guild grouping cattle ranchers, announced they\u2019re considering a joint agreement to recover the memory of victims in the Colombian countryside.<\/p>\n

The union claims to have identified 10.000 rural entrepreneurs who over decades endured kidnapping, extortion and cattle theft by groups like FARC, a plight they say the Government has failed to acknowledge. \u201cThe Truth Commission seeks to portray businessmen as perpetrators, when they were victims (\u2026) We want to advance in building a part of history that others have tried to deny,\u201d said<\/a> its president Jos\u00e9 F\u00e9lix Lafaurie, a vocal critic of the peace deal and married to a senator from Duque\u2019s party.<\/p>\n

Critics fear that an investigation spearheaded by its own subjects could end up whitewashing the sector\u2019s image, given some rancher\u2019s double role as rural entrepreneurs heavily affected by war and funders and promoters of paramilitary groups originally born to counter guerrillas in the 1980s but eventually responsible for thousands of homicides and massacres. Lafaurie\u2019s predecessor, Jorge Visbal, was convicted<\/a> by the Supreme Court of supporting and advising the paramilitary and is now seeking<\/a> admission to the transitional justice.<\/p>\n

In the end, cattle ranchers have been both victims and perpetrators, or what legal scholar Iv\u00e1n Orozco has dubbed \u201cdual responsibilities\u201d, a complex reality that could be overlooked were its union to lead the investigative efforts.<\/p>\n

\"2
At a rural event organized by the Truth Commission called \"The campaign sings the truth\". \u00a9 Comision de la Verdad<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Memorials caught up in politics<\/h3>\n

The tug-of-war over historical memory has also extended to the artistic sphere, as Duque has avoided lauding anything connected to the peace deal signed by his predecessor.<\/p>\n

In December 2018, a public memorial built using the metal from the weapons laid down by FARC was unveiled<\/a> in downtown Bogota. Conceived by Doris Salcedo<\/a>, arguably the country's best-known artist internationally, \u2018Fragments\u2019 is a haunting reminder of everything Colombians lost over half-a-century of senseless violence.<\/p>\n

Salcedo, known for her crack on the floor of Tate Modern\u2019s Turbine Hall, worked with 25 survivors of sexual violence, pounding 37 tonnes of scrap metal \u2013 stemming from the melting of 8.994 rifles decommissioned by the United Nations \u2013 into 1300 plaques. She then laid them as tiles on the floor of a colonial-era house\u2019s ruins, in what she termed a \u2018counter-monument\u2019 designed to evoke the plight of victims. Duque decided not to attend its inauguration, even though it is located one block away from the presidential palace.<\/p>\n

\"Doris
Colombian artist Doris Salcedo (photo, centre) created \"Fragments\", a memorial monument whose inauguration was ignored by President Iv\u00e1n Duque. \u00a9 Comision de la Verdad<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

A similar scene took place in the UN\u2019s New York headquarters, where another peace-related monument was installed in the garden facing the Hudson River on August 2019. This sculpture, a 6-metre-high golden-hued canoe facing skywards made by artist Mario Opazo from seven tonnes of bullets handed over by FARC, was to \u201cbe inaugurated in March 2020 by the Colombian government in a formal ceremony\u201d, according to Culture Minister Carmen In\u00e9s V\u00e1squez\u2019s promise. Duque met UN Secretary General Ant\u00f3nio Guterres last week in New York, but not a word was mentioned on the memorial.<\/p>\n

However, Duque did lay down<\/a> the first stone for the future National Historical Memory Museum in Bogota last month, a long-postponed promise that will finally come to life. What its narrative will be, and whether it incorporates the work of both the Centre and the TRC, will show if Colombians can eschew politics and find truths that reconcile instead of dividing them.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Truth is purportedly the first casualty of war. It is also the object of constant wrangling in Colombia\u2019s transition. While many Colombians are looking towards the Truth Commission to shed light on 52 years of conflict, President Iv\u00e1n Duque has been promoting other spaces in which sectors critical of the peace agreement have been flocking […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":74,"featured_media":63874,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[542],"tags":[],"ji_location":[2177],"class_list":["post-44027","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-truth-commissions","ji_location-colombia"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nPolitical tussle over truth and memory in Colombia - JusticeInfo.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/44027-political-tussle-over-truth-and-memory-in-colombia.html\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Political tussle over truth and memory in Colombia\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Truth is purportedly the first casualty of war. 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