{"id":45869,"date":"2020-11-05T09:39:11","date_gmt":"2020-11-05T08:39:11","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/45869-farc-revelations-three-political-murders-test-colombia.html"},"modified":"2020-11-05T09:39:11","modified_gmt":"2020-11-05T08:39:11","slug":"farc-revelations-three-political-murders-test-colombia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/45869-farc-revelations-three-political-murders-test-colombia.html","title":{"rendered":"FARC revelations on three political murders: a test for Colombia"},"content":{"rendered":"

The former Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia dropped a bombshell, last month, claiming responsibility over the murders of three high-profile public officials in the 1990s. As missing truths begin emerging, they\u2019re testing whether Colombia\u2019s transitional justice institutions can work together to solve long-standing mysteries.<\/strong><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

The explosive letter was released on 3 October<\/a>. The unforeseen acknowledgment sent shockwaves, even being met with disbelief by relatives of one of the victims. The former Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC)\u2019s admission \u2013 who, four years after signing a peace deal with the government, claims responsibility over three political murders \u2013 underscores how fragments of truth regarding some of the great unsolved mysteries of Colombia\u2019s 52-year-long armed conflict are finally emerging.<\/p>\n

<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

It also creates a gigantic challenge for the Colombian transitional justice system, which was built on the idea that several judicial and extra-judicial institutions should work together comprehensively to prosecute the gravest atrocities and respond to the country\u2019s 9 million victims. Until now, each has mostly operated on its own. The task of clarifying these three political assassinations is highlighting the downside of not working hand in hand.<\/p>\n

Three unsolved mysteries<\/h3>\n

The three cases FARC are belatedly owning up to are among at least 274,139 murders<\/a> in connection to the armed conflict since 1985, thousands of which remain in outright impunity.<\/p>\n

\u00c1lvaro G\u00f3mez Hurtado, a conservative icon who came in second in three presidential elections and is considered one of the brains behind Colombia\u2019s landmark 1991 Constitution, was murdered on November 2, 1995 as he left the Bogota university where he taught. Fernando Landaz\u00e1bal Reyes, a retired Army general who was Defence Minister during the 1980s, was murdered after leaving his house in Bogota on May 12, 1998. And Jes\u00fas Antonio Bejarano, an economist and former peace negotiator who was instrumental in the successful talks leading to the demobilisation of the M-19, Popular Liberation Army (EPL), Workers\u2019 Revolutionary Party (PRT) and Quintin Lame Armed Movement guerrillas in the early 1990s, was killed on September 15, 1999 in a corridor of Bogota\u2019s National University.<\/p>\n

Ironically, all three had devoted significant efforts to reflect on peace when they were killed. G\u00f3mez, known for his staunch anti-corruption rhetoric, preached for years on the need to reach \u201can agreement on the essentials\u201d to end senseless violence. \u2018Chucho\u2019 Bejarano, who led doomed peace talks with FARC and the National Liberation Army (ELN) in Caracas in the early 1990s, was working on a document for the Ministry of Defence, contemplating different scenarios for both conflict and negotiation. And General Landaz\u00e1bal had just published a book titled Time for Reflection<\/em>, in the epilogue of which he pleaded \u201cthat in Colombia the bells no longer toll for the souls of the dead, but for the advent of peace.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cA window of hope opens, after 21 years in which the case didn\u2019t advance one bit. Nobody was ever arrested, nor is there anything that shows that the state\u2019s investigative machine was placed at the service of this case,\u201d says Eduardo Bejarano, who was 27 years old when his father was murdered. \u201cThere is a ray of light to find a truth that the state was never interested in unearthing\u201d.<\/p>\n

\"Jesus
Jesus Bejarano during peace talks with M-19 guerrilla in 1990. \u00a9 Bejarano family<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

The criminal justice\u2019s longstanding debt<\/h3>\n

All three cases share another trait: the inquests into their murders gathered dust on the shelves of ordinary investigating authorities for more than two decades. In a country where opponents of the peace accord contend that the transitional justice was designed to shield former FARC members from serving prison sentences, given that they can obtain more lenient sanctions if they own up to their crimes, contribute the truth and redress victims, the debt of the ordinary criminal justice system is often overlooked.<\/p>\n

General Landaz\u00e1bal\u2019s relatives say they have been contacted by the attorney general\u2019s Office, in charge of the criminal investigation, only three times in 22 years. A few days after his murder, two female investigators visited their family home. \u201cThey told us we\u2019d be dealing with them very often. We never heard from them again,\u201d says his daughter Olga Landaz\u00e1bal, who even remembers the white car they drove.<\/p>\n

Two years later, they were summoned to the institution\u2019s central office, where Olga recounts being asked to tell them under oath who had been responsible for her father\u2019s murder. \u201cI was livid. As a victim, I came here so you could tell me,\u201d she recalls replying. Finally, a decade ago she met with a couple of investigators who told her that if new elements weren\u2019t attached, the case would probably be archived. \u201cI felt that they wanted to erase my father from this country\u2019s history, as if he\u2019d never existed,\u201d Olga says.<\/p>\n

Eduardo Bejarano shares a similar tale of frustration, citing frequent rotations of criminal investigators and an absence of answers from several attorney generals. In 2016, he discussed the case with then deputy attorney general \u2013 and former peace negotiator \u2013 Mar\u00eda Paulina Riveros, who confirmed the case was stagnant and promised him to reactivate it. She resigned in 2019 and Eduardo says he hasn\u2019t had any further news.<\/p>\n

\u201cFARC must explain their reasons to kill\u201d<\/h3>\n

Both families see FARC\u2019s letter as an opportunity for the long-awaited full truth to emerge.<\/p>\n

\u201cI\u2019m not interested in homages. The only morally acceptable homage to my father\u2019s memory is the truth: a truth grounded on facts and evidence,\u201d says Bejarano, who vocally supports the transitional justice\u2019s work but demands a higher standard of truth from FARC. He is particularly concerned over a press interview<\/a> in which former rebel commander and current senator Carlos Antonio Lozada provided details on the commandos tasked with G\u00f3mez and Landaz\u00e1bal\u2019s murders, but argued that Bejarano\u2019s father was killed by \u201ca different structure that I cannot provide details about.\u201d<\/p>\n

That missing truth takes the form of specific questions they seek answers to: who gave the order, how did they plan the crimes and, above all, why.<\/p>\n

\u201cWhy was my father uncomfortable? Was it because he said truths that were embarrassing for FARC? Because at the time they were in a peace negotiation (with Andr\u00e9s Pastrana\u2019s government) tailored to their strategic objectives, with neither agenda nor methodology? History showed that the only thing the failed Cagu\u00e1n talks achieved was FARC\u2019s military and financial strengthening. My father warned against the consequences of a poorly planned process,\u201d says Eduardo, a political economist who works on improving labour conditions in coffee and palm oil plantations. Other possibilities he\u2019d like FARC to address include whether they despised his father for his role in the failed 1992 peace negotiation or taking up the job as chief of the country\u2019s largest agro-industrial guild. \u201cFARC must explain to us their reasons to kill him,\u201d he says.<\/p>\n

Landaz\u00e1bal\u2019s family is similarly puzzled by why FARC would consider their father a threat, way after he\u2019d retired and left the political scene. \u201cThe million-dollar question is: why did they kill him 15 years later and not when he was actually fighting them? Why kill him at the age of almost 76, as he walked on the street alone, at a time when he had no troop command nor any of the social influence he once had?\u201d asks his son Gustavo, a gastrointestinal surgeon and member of the Colombian Academy of Medicine. \u201cI want them to explain to me what the genuine reason to kill him then was.\u201d<\/p>\n

In their eyes, it might be more understandable that FARC had animosity towards him in the 1980s, when he was a high-ranking military officer and penned 19 books on military strategy and the armed conflict, with titles such as Subversion and Social Conflict<\/em>. And even if the three-star general was known as a defence hawk, he was, Gustavo says, a consummate reader who supported progressive public policies like agrarian reform and considered that social justice was central to achieving peace in Colombia.<\/p>\n

Both families also want to know why it took two decades for FARC to admit their deeds, even though the 2016 peace accord paved the way for such acknowledgments.<\/p>\n

\"Fernando
General Fernando Landazabal Reyes giving a speech. \u00a9 Landazabal family<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

JEP vs ordinary criminal justice<\/h3>\n

FARC\u2019s revelation triggers an important methodological question: how to investigate these crimes that, beyond their perpetrator, could seem isolated?<\/p>\n

That challenge falls on the shoulders of the Special Jurisdiction for Peace, the transitional justice\u2019s judicial arm whose work focuses on macro-cases detailing patterns, representative crimes and identifying those responsible for them, as opposed to a case-by-case logic. So far two of those macro-cases centre on FARC\u2019s involvement in kidnapping<\/a> and child soldier recruitment<\/a>, while another one details extrajudicial executions by the military, and several regional cases document human rights violations<\/a> by various actors.<\/p>\n

The special tribunal, locally known as JEP, already summoned two FARC members \u2013 former commander-in-chief Rodrigo Londo\u00f1o and Carlos Antonio Lozada \u2013 to preliminary hearings. It has not, however, chosen the route to investigate and prosecute these crimes, a call that justices on its Judicial Panel for Acknowledgment must decide on soon.<\/p>\n

Although the JEP declined to discuss its internal deliberations on the matter, organisations like the Institute for Integrated Transitions have suggested possible routes<\/a> and arguing that macro-cases should not focus only on repetitive behaviours, but also on illuminating FARC\u2019s military goals or their modus operandi. One option could be a macro-case focusing on actions seeking to destabilise democracy, given that all three victims were political and social leaders. There is broad material for such a choice: at least 175 mayors, 543 local councilmembers, 28 departmental assemblymen, 16 lawmakers and three governors were murdered while holding public office between 1984 and 2014, according to a National Centre for Historical Memory report<\/a>. It isn\u2019t known how many of them were killed by FARC, but it\u2019s likely a significant number.<\/p>\n

Whatever the JEP decides, it will still get some criticisms from victims. \u00c1lvaro G\u00f3mez\u2019s family already filed<\/a> an injunction against the tribunal, contending that it has denied them access to information concerning his murder. G\u00f3mez\u2019s case is particularly sensitive: president Iv\u00e1n Duque, a frequent critic<\/a> of the transitional justice and an alumnus of the university founded by G\u00f3mez, asked<\/a> the new attorney general to untangle that investigation earlier this year. The attorney general\u2019 office has already summoned<\/a> the same two FARC defendants to testify, potentially setting up a clash of jurisdictions. Members of Duque\u2019s party, like senator Paloma Valencia, are pressuring<\/a> for the case to remain in the ordinary criminal justice system, arguing it has a better chance of success than the JEP.<\/p>\n

Another issue complicates matters further: G\u00f3mez\u2019s family believes former president Ernesto Samper and his erstwhile minister Horacio Serpa (who died last Saturday) ordered the assassination. Their main concern is that a JEP investigation would concentrate exclusively on FARC \u2013 who described<\/a> G\u00f3mez as \u201ca military target and class enemy\u201d \u2013 and exonerate the political rivals they believe were responsible. Neither G\u00f3mez\u2019s son nor his nephew, who serves as the family\u2019s lawyer, responded to Justice Info\u2019s requests for interview.<\/p>\n

\"\u00c1lvaro
Former Colombian presidential candidate Alvaro Gomez Hurtado at a press conference in Bogota, may 1995. @ El Espectador \/ AFP<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

To be together, or not to be<\/h3>\n

More broadly, investigating these three murders is testing the ability of the JEP and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), the two cornerstones of Colombia\u2019s transitional justice, of working together.<\/p>\n

So far, both institutions have tried to respond to FARC\u2019s surprise announcement separately. The JEP decided to respond publicly even before contacting the victims\u2019 relatives and caught the TRC by surprise, according to two knowledgeable persons. Each institution then devised its own response: the JEP summoned its first defendants, while the TRC held a public act of contrition<\/a> last Friday in which Lozada asked Bejarano\u2019s relatives for forgiveness. The fact that FARC told the JEP about their decision to own up to these assassinations with one day\u2019s notice and hinted that the press knew about it already made things more difficult.<\/p>\n

The whole point of designing both judicial and extra-judicial mechanisms a part of a comprehensive system, was that the JEP \u2013 which has a 15-year mandate \u2013 could formally investigate and prosecute, while the TRC \u2013 about to finish the second of its three-year mandate \u2013 incentivises a truth-telling process that doesn\u2019t involve legal consequences for those who volunteer information. Doing so would ensure victims won\u2019t have to share their story repeatedly and would allow transitional justice to respond to unfolding developments \u2013 like FARC\u2019s surprise admission \u2013 more methodically. But this implies coordination.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe comprehensive nature of the system is crucial in order to respond as best as possible to victims, giving meaning to such a painful past and meeting society\u2019s demands, amid a limitation of resources and time. The judicial scenario is insufficient on its own, as are the extra-judicial and administrative reparations. The only option is for all of them to work together,\u201d says Mariana Casij, a researcher at the Institute for Integrated Transitions.<\/p>\n

\r\n\t\t\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\t
Recommended reading<\/div>\r\n\t\t\t
\"\"<\/div><\/a>\r\n\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\tWhat penalties? Colombia\u2019s justice challenge in 2020\r\n\t\t<\/a>\r\n\t\t\r\n\t\t\t\t<\/div><\/span><\/p>\n

Lack of coordination has resulted in a series of blunders already. The JEP clashed with the smaller Unit for the Search of Disappeared Persons, over who should exhume the remains of several extrajudicial execution victims identified in a cemetery in Dabeiba, as well as with the government\u2019s Victims\u2019 Unit over its competence to order collective redress measures. In a similar vein, the TRC has organised hearings on matters being investigated by the JEP, such as a conversation with former presidential candidate and FARC victim Ingrid Betancourt on kidnappings, which the tribunal\u2019s investigators learnt about through the press. These impasses underscore that the transitional justice system\u2019s coordination committee isn\u2019t functioning properly.<\/p>\n

Still, the Landaz\u00e1bal and Bejarano\u2019s families have high expectations on what the transitional justice can find, after years of uncertainty. \u201cIt\u2019s hard to speak about things we haven\u2019t heard yet. We want FARC to answer our questions, so we can understand what happened and why,\u201d says Gustavo Landaz\u00e1bal. \u201cI feel the moral need to listen to them, even if I\u2019m not entirely sure the full truth will emerge,\u201d says his sister Olga. \u201cWe\u2019ll have to wait, because this will take more than just a couple of weeks. They\u2019ll have to provide proof and the JEP will have to corroborate it rigorously\u201d, says Eduardo Bejarano.<\/p>\n

This Tuesday, FARC revealed that they were also responsible for a failed attack targeting vice-president Germ\u00e1n Vargas Lleras and another letter bomb that severed two of his fingers in 2002, showing that perhaps a cascade of admissions is finally beginning. The question is if Colombia\u2019s transitional justice institutions will tackle them together, to bring long-awaited answers to the country\u2019s millions of victims, or in a divided way.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The former Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia dropped a bombshell, last month, claiming responsibility over the murders of three high-profile public officials in the 1990s. As missing truths begin emerging, they\u2019re testing whether Colombia\u2019s transitional justice institutions can work together to solve long-standing mysteries.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":74,"featured_media":63444,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[566],"tags":[],"ji_location":[2177],"class_list":["post-45869","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-national-tribunals","ji_location-colombia"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nFARC revelations on three political murders: a test for Colombia - JusticeInfo.net<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/45869-farc-revelations-three-political-murders-test-colombia.html\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"FARC revelations on three political murders: a test for Colombia\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The former Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia dropped a bombshell, last month, claiming responsibility over the murders of three high-profile public officials in the 1990s. 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