{"id":68623,"date":"2021-01-21T12:09:41","date_gmt":"2021-01-21T11:09:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/?p=68623"},"modified":"2021-01-25T13:43:18","modified_gmt":"2021-01-25T12:43:18","slug":"icc-victims-fund-who-responsible-failure-everybody","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/68623-icc-victims-fund-who-responsible-failure-everybody.html","title":{"rendered":"ICC Victims Fund: Who\u2019s responsible for its failure? (Everybody)"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

ICC TRUST FUND SERIES - EPISODE 5<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

As shown in previous articles, the International Criminal Court\u2019s Trust Fund for Victims has not delivered on its mandate. By 2020, less than 300 victims have received reparations in only one ICC case. Who is to be blamed? The Fund\u2019s management? Their staff? Its Board? The judges? States? NGOs? No one is spared.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

After nearly twenty years being touted as the one international court that put victims in a central position, the International Criminal Court\u2019s own Trust Fund for Victims had only delivered reparations to just under 300 victims in only one case<\/a> by 2020. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

It was obvious from the start that reparations were going to be complex. As described in parts 1<\/a> and 2 of this series<\/a>, and as reflected in the 2020 report by independent experts<\/a> into the ICC, the Trust Fund for Victims (TFV) has not been delivering for victims of mass atrocities. While recognising that theirs is a complex task, the experts describe the ICC\u2019s \u201cconceptual and procedural processes for reparations\u201d as \u201claden with complexity and uncertainty, which gravely affects the victims\u2019 rights to meaningful participation and reparations\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Where, though, does blame lie for the court\u2019s inability to deliver on its promises to victims? Have expectations been set too high or not high enough? Is a voluntary board sufficient for oversight? Have experts failed to point out the problems over the years? Have Trust staff failed to deliver? Or have judges failed to be consistent in their demands?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is a tangled web to unpick. We will consider each group in turn. Even the experts are not absolutist in assigning responsibility to one party. But they are clear in their recommendations that the TFV is not up to the task, that it should not continue in its current form, and that the lion\u2019s share of the problems lie in the managerial failures.<\/p>\n\n\n

\r\n\t\t\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\t
Recommended reading<\/div>\r\n\t\t\t
\"\"<\/div><\/a>\r\n\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\tICC Trust Fund: The black hole\r\n\t\t<\/a>\r\n\t\t\r\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\n\n\n

Management failure<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Those who monitor the way victims have been treated at the court tend to agree. Carla Ferstman of Essex Law School, and former head of the NGO Redress, says \u201cegos and excesses\u201d with \u201ccompeting visions\u201d have gotten in the way of figuring out workable plans, especially on court-ordered reparations. Luke Moffett of Queens University Belfast describes \u201cso much infighting within the organisation\u201d. Lorraine Smith van Lin who previously examined the TFV\u2019s reparations work for the NGO Redress considers that \u201cinternal management, structural, logistical challenges\u201d have hampered the Funds work. They became obvious, she says, during the first reparations award for victims of Democratic Republic of Congo warlord Thomas Lubanga, when \u201cthe Trust Fund had clearly \u2026 very little real idea about how to manage a reparations mandate\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But are these failures due to circumstances beyond the TFV\u2019s control? Apart from the inevitable wreckage wrought by the current Covid pandemic to everyone\u2019s plans during 2020, it does not appear so.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Again and again, the experts drive home the point that the management was inadequate. Smith van Lin points out that in a commercial business, managers would be fired or step down if they failed to deliver results.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

The TFV may indeed have taken on more than it could manage, the experts write: \u201cTFV\u2019s own admission that its concurrent engagement in three reparations proceedings and implementation (Lubanga, Katanga and Al Mahdi) constituted a severe strain on its modest capacity\u201d. But how could it fail to anticipate how much work would be needed to switch its gears up and tackle the formalities of reparations? Smith van Lin argues that junior staff should not be blamed. Again and again, the experts drive home the point that the management was inadequate: \u201cClear and formal delineation of roles and responsibilities need to be established\u201d. Smith van Lin points out that in a commercial business, managers would be fired or step down if they failed to deliver results.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Blaming the states<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Then there\u2019s the role of the Fund\u2019s Board \u2013 a group of high-level volunteers. Have they failed in oversight?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The expert report says they were relatively \u201cpowerless\u201d, and it was difficult for them to be more effective \u201cwithout guidance from the [Trust Fund] Secretariat\u201d to the extent that without the resources to consistently get documents to them and translate them, their job of effective oversight \u201cover all operations and activities of the Secretariat was impossible\u201d. The experts\u2019 recommendation: \u201cThe [Assembly of States Parties, ASP] should also review the level of involvement and oversight it wishes the Board of Directors to apply, and resource it accordingly.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Trust Fund is created by the ASP and they have direct oversight. What were they doing for the last 10 years? So I would dial up the blame all the way up to the states.\"<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

States though have continued to support and fund the TFV, both via the main ICC budget and by one-off donations. But where have been debates on the floor of the annual meeting on the details of the Fund\u2019s work? Have the various committees and subcommittees effectively scrutinized it? It certainly took many years before the independent oversight mechanism was invoked. Smith van Lin agrees: \u201dThe structure starts from the ASP and this is what people forget\u2026The Trust Fund is created by the ASP and they have direct oversight. This is the first time that they've finally decided to look behind these reports and say, wait a second, there should be more accountability. What were they doing for the last 10 years? So I would dial up the blame all the way up to the states.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The judges\u2019 share of responsibility<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

And how about the judges? They have made reparation orders, and as with so many aspects of the court\u2019s work, the lack of coordination and harmony has also been reflected in the contradictory orders from different chambers. That legal tussle between the Fund, judges and even the ICC\u2019s Registry, where other organs dealing with victims are situated, has left its mark. The successful delivery of those court orders in the first reparation cases is still not a fait accompli. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The chair of the Fund\u2019s board, Mama Kouyate Doumbia, says these complications have had real impact:  \u201cIf the files linger on the court\u2019s desk for them to give their advice on this or that programme that impacts our work, it impacts our capacity and even our competences even if the problem does not come from us\u201d.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Not forgetting forgetful NGOs<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Some would also spare a thought, while pointing fingers all round, at the NGOs who have consistently sold the court as a space where victims will finally get true reparative justice. And the outside experts who have not sounded the alarm on time. Is it possible that they have all been too invested in trying to defend the court from malicious critique to be prepared to point out the faults in the system?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Smith van Lin is refreshingly open: \u201cWe should share the blame for not holding some of these organisations to account more. There is a certain latitude that you can give in terms of, you know, waiting and wanting the system to work. But then there comes a point when you have to focus on transparency and accountability. If you don't see the thing working, then you begin to hold those that you put in office to account.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

So, what next?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ferstman believes there is a way forward: \u201cThere is enough global expertise out there on how to implement reparations programmes that can be drawn upon; the different organs of the Court and the Trust Fund need to work pragmatically and in a goal-oriented fashion to get the job done.\u201d Alina Balta, who has spent her academic career so far studying this reparation system also thinks it can work: \u201cI think the ICC is the best system to provide reparations for victims, in theory. But in practice\u2026the practise is lagging behind for sure.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

can't simply ignore criticisms on the basis that it is independent. Independence is not a license to do what one wants.\"<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Bring the victims on board<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

For Ferstman transparency is a core issue. \u201cAll over the NGO and aid community there is a progressive realisation of the need to bring the beneficiary group into decision-making at the central policy level as well as in the implementation; it is time the TFV and its Board learnt that lesson and became more responsive and accountable to beneficiary groups. It can't simply ignore criticisms on the basis that it is independent. Independence is not a license to do what one wants; independence still requires transparency and accountability, and consultation.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

There are even those who argue that some activities of the Fund itself put blame on the victims. Leila Ullrich has been writing a book while based at Queen Mary University of London, called the Blame Cascade<\/em>. She claims that in the TFV\u2019s own assistance programmes, \u201cvictims are blamed for the violence they suffered\u201d. She quotes from an ICC Victim Participation Video from 2013 where the TFV says it \u201csupports victims by funding peace schools \u2018in which communities amongst themselves try to find solutions for the root causes of conflict in a way that is non-violent\u2019\u201d. And in another TFV publication from 2012 she points to the social cohesion projects which are aimed at \u201cshifting the mindset of young people\u201d. She concludes that in some of its assistance, the Fund has perpetuated an attitude whereby \u201cit is the victims who must learn to be peaceful\u2026 glossing over legitimate grievances and structural causes of conflict\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

No acknowledgment<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

What changes can the Fund make? <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The TFV director Pieter De Baan is hopeful: \u201cThere is a lot going on in the kitchen in the past two years to get to a place in which we can be more confident to play the role that we've been mandated to play by the states.\u201d In its latest strategic plan [2020<\/a>] though, the Fund - again - suggests that we are still \u201cin the early stages\u201d with \u201cjudicial reparations [as] a relatively novel feature\u201d with few \u201clessons learned from previous and concurrent international(ized) criminal tribunals\u201d, in comparison with international criminal law where \u201cblueprints\u201d existed for the judicial or administrative development of the court. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Essentially, they argue they need time to develop even more benchmarks, more criteria to monitor, more measures to judge impact, and \u201cfuture meaningful ways of redressing and repairing victims\u2019 harm and ensuring that the goals of court-ordered reparations are achieved.\u201d And of course they say they even need time to sort out their relationships with the rest of the court, the judges, the registry, governments and their own implementing partners. So, for now, the foot-dragging appears to continue, with no real acknowledgment that perhaps mistakes have been made, nor that structures must change.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

ICC TRUST FUND SERIES - EPISODE 5 As shown in previous articles, the International Criminal Court\u2019s Trust Fund for Victims has not delivered on its mandate. By 2020, less than 300 victims have received reparations in only one ICC case. Who is to be blamed? The Fund\u2019s management? Their staff? Its Board? The judges? States? […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":64,"featured_media":68607,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[562,544],"tags":[2644,2626],"ji_location":[2567],"class_list":["post-68623","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-icc","category-reparations","tag-tfv-en","tag-victims","ji_location-international"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nICC Victims Fund: Who\u2019s responsible for its failure? 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