{"id":81528,"date":"2021-09-03T12:25:21","date_gmt":"2021-09-03T10:25:21","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/81528-colombie-cvr-entendu-cinq-presidents-dont-critique-uribe.html"},"modified":"2021-09-03T14:24:26","modified_gmt":"2021-09-03T12:24:26","slug":"colombia-trc-sits-down-with-five-presidents-including-critical-uribe","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/81528-colombia-trc-sits-down-with-five-presidents-including-critical-uribe.html","title":{"rendered":"Colombia\u2019s TRC sits down with five presidents, including critical Uribe"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Over the past two weeks, Colombia\u2019s Truth and Reconciliation Commission achieved a rare feat \u2013 to sit down with all five of the country\u2019s living presidents, with a conversation with Andr\u00e9s Pastrana this Tuesday and a seemingly impossible one with Alvaro Uribe, two weeks ago.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

Five \u2018presidential conversations\u2019<\/a>, including a chaotic one with its most formidable critic. This was a momentous achievement for Colombia\u2019s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), the institution tasked with truth-finding, just a few months before the end of its three-year term this November and the unveiling of its final report.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Especially significant but telling was its turbulent meeting, on the 16th<\/sup> of August,  with Alvaro Uribe. The twice elected president (2002-2010) who spearheaded opposition against the 2016 peace deal with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) guerrilla, and who still does not recognise the transitional justice system stemming from it. Again, this time, he stressed this at least three times during almost four hours of conversation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the terrace of Uribe\u2019s country house<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Only three months before the end of the TRC\u2019s mandate and after months of attempts, Uribe finally acquiesced to sit down with three commissioners to discuss aspects of his administration. It was a reversal for someone who in the past described its commissioners as biased<\/a>, \u201ccheerleaders of human lefts<\/a>\u201d and even pro-FARC<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Although his predecessors C\u00e9sar Gaviria (1990-1994) and Ernesto Samper (1994-1998) had already spoken to the TRC over the past two years, it was probably another interview which ended up nudging Uribe. Two months ago, Juan Manuel Santos (2010-2018) \u2013 his defence minister and chosen heir turned into political nemesis - appeared before the TRC<\/a>, asked victims of extrajudicial executions carried out by army officers for their forgiveness and detailed the corrective measures he took as top security sector leader.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Just like Andr\u00e9s Pastrana (1998-2002) three days ago<\/a>, Santos first read his prepared remarks<\/a> from a lectern, surrounded by banners with the TRC\u2019s logo, and then sat down to discuss additional queries raised by TRC chairman Father Francisco de Roux.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Instead, Uribe asked the TRC to come to his home turf for what was initially meant to be recorded and released later on, but ended up being live-streamed. They sat down on the terrace of Uribe\u2019s country house on the outskirts of his native Medell\u00edn, overlooking a lawn where his grandchildren were occasionally seen speeding across the screen, with horses\u2019 neighing and dogs\u2019 barking heard in the background.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Uribe\u2019s truth<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Despite the pastoral setting, the conversation was anything but idyllic. During its first hour and a half<\/a>, Uribe shared with the TRC his vision of Colombia\u2019s recent history, criss-crossing from one issue to another and always referring to the 62-point agenda that he had submitted to the commission.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Some of his comments were personal, like when he described his pain after hearing that his father, cattle rancher Alberto Uribe, had been murdered by FARC<\/a> rebels during a kidnapping attempt in their farm in 1983. Or when he related having escaped a kidnapping attempt by the People\u2019s Liberation Army (EPL) guerrilla in 1988.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The rest of the time, Uribe defended his administration. He explained that he chose his running mate Francisco Santos, a journalist and anti-kidnapping advocate, because of his standing in human rights circles. He contended that under his watch Colombia volunteered to become the first country whose record was examined<\/a> by the UN Human Rights Council. He touted his government\u2019s success in curbing homicides, kidnappings and even lesser known crimes such as oil theft. He reminded the TRC of his successful negotiation with paramilitary groups, of his efforts to liberate FARC\u2019s kidnapped victims and, in general, of the sorry state of affairs the country was in when he was elected in 2002.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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