{"id":87836,"date":"2022-02-22T10:55:48","date_gmt":"2022-02-22T09:55:48","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/?p=87836"},"modified":"2024-01-29T17:53:52","modified_gmt":"2024-01-29T16:53:52","slug":"indonesia-dutch-colonisation-in-rosy-terms","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.justiceinfo.net\/en\/87836-indonesia-dutch-colonisation-in-rosy-terms.html","title":{"rendered":"Indonesia: the Dutch no longer can see colonisation in rosy terms"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Last week researchers in the Netherlands and Indonesia finally laid out the ways in which the Dutch state both condoned and concealed its systematic use of \u201cextreme violence\u201d during the Indonesian war of independence. In response, the Dutch prime minister apologised. But the findings focus on laying out the facts and skirt any issues of criminal responsibility.<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

\u201cThere\u2019s a line attributed to the German poet Heinrich Heine: \u2018When the world ends, then I'll go to the Netherlands, because everything happens there fifty years later\u2019.\u201d Indonesian historian Joss Wibisono notes its applicability to the 70 years it has taken since the end of the colonial war, after a distressing report released last week<\/a>, to acknowledge that \u201cthe use of extreme violence by the Dutch armed forces was not only widespread but often deliberate, too,\u201d and that \u201cIt was condoned at every level: political, military and legal\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the report, commissioned by the Dutch state from several Dutch researchers who collaborated with Indonesian colleagues, many details emerged of what the soldiers had done to prevent the colony from achieving independence after the Second World War. \u201cWhat we see over the past 70-75 years is a constantly reappearing of this information,\u201d says Remco Raben, one of the researchers, from the University of Amsterdam. \u201cAnd constantly, a government that has been able to avoid taking responsibility for what happened\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Notably in the 1960\u2019s a government inquiry had declared that while excesses had taken place, the military as a whole had behaved correctly. \u201cThe government was able to shove it under the carpet\u201d says Raben.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Politicians encouraged the violence<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The official government position, held since a 1969 government report into the military\u2019s behaviour, that \u201cregrettable excesses had occurred but the armed forces as a whole in Indonesia and acted correctly (\u2026) is no longer tenable\u201d, says Ben Schoenmaker, director of the Netherlands Institute for Military History at a press conference, held on Thursday 17 February to summarise the findings of the new report. On the contrary, he adds \u201cduring the war, the Dutch armed forces used excessive extreme violence in a structural way\u2026 violence occurred frequently and was widespread\u201d. And in addition, \u201cthe politicians responsible, as well as the military, civil and judicial authorities, tolerated or condoned this violence. They encouraged it. They concealed it, and they did not punish it\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThere was a collective willingness to condone, justify and conceal it, and to let it go unpunished. All of this happened with a view to the higher goal: That of winning the war\u201d, notes the report. And the researchers found the army \u201cfrequently and structurally\u201d guilty of \u201cextrajudicial executions, ill-treatment and torture, detention under inhumane conditions, the torching of houses and villages, the theft and destruction of property and food supplies, disproportionate air raids and artillery shelling, and what were often random mass arrests and mass internment.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A \u201cvery important\u201d pressure to re-examine what had happened, described by the researchers, came with the case<\/a> brought by Jeffry Pondaag through the Dutch courts on behalf of Indonesian widows who survived a massacre, resulting in damages paid by the state in 2011. Several years later the government agreed to fund this extensive research, which will be published this year in 14 volumes, following the release of this synthesis report. It was conducted by the Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies (KITLV), the Netherlands Institute of Military History and the Institute for War, Holocaust and Genocide Studies (NIOD).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe research shows that the vast majority of those who bore responsibility on the Dutch side \u2013 politicians, officers, civil servants, judges and others \u2013 had or could have had knowledge of the systematic use of extreme violence,\u201d points out Raben. The military defined the narrative. \u201cThe civil authorities in Indonesia, and in the Netherlands, were completely dependent on the military as a source of information,\u201d he says. \u201cThey list, they do a body count. That's reported in fairly euphemistic terms. And then moving upwards on the on the hierarchy of the military, this message becomes more abstract and more manipulated\u201d. Nevertheless, \u201cthere are people who sent this information about atrocities, et cetera, to the Netherlands and in particularly in the course of the war, people knew.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Extreme violence, not war crimes<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The terminology used by the researchers has come under scrutiny. After the 1960\u2019s adoption of \u201cexcesses\u2019, more recently in 2020 the Dutch king, Willem-Alexander, apologised when visiting Indonesia for the \u201cexcessive violence\u201d inflicted during colonial rule. Now it is the term \u2018extreme violence\u2019 that is used, which Gert Oostindie director of KITLV explained was \u201can overarching term for really a whole range of different forms of violence,\u201d at the press conference. \u201cIt's a broad umbrella concept, but also it has no strict legal connotations,\u201d he said, which left some like Wibisono to think \u201cit's a euphemism\u201d.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

While he understands the researchers\u2019 arguments he notes that the report \u201cstops short of using the word war crimes\u201d which would be clearer to the Indonesian public. Raben himself admits he \u201cstruggled\u201d with the term extreme violence, because he wanted instead to foreground the actual experience of Indonesians. He notes that \u201cthe military and with them the civil authorities in the colony and in the Netherlands have been able to isolate certain events as possible war crimes. They're called the excesses. That is part of the politics of manipulating information\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Apologies to \u201call those affected\u201d<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

In response to the report The Netherlands\u2019 Prime Minister Mark Rutte apologised <\/a>on the same day, not only for the atrocities committed at the time, but for the failure of past Dutch governments to acknowledge it. <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cFor the systematic and widespread extreme violence from the Dutch side in those years and the consistent looking the other way by previous governments, I apologise deeply to the people of Indonesia,\u201d says Rutte, saying the government takes full responsibility for the \u201ccollective failure\u201d. But the apology is addressed to \u201call those affected\u201d, including the Dutch forces.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Raben was disappointed: \u201cHe apologised to everybody who was around at that time. That didn't give me much hope.\u201d And Wibisono \u201cdoubt it very much that it's going to be a step towards, you know, making the perpetrators accountable for what they did.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cIt's another cover up. That's what I'm afraid of.\u201d \u201cI was just surprised that it takes 70 years for the Dutch to come to terms with what they did in Indonesia\u201d, says Wibisono, who is based in Amsterdam and follows Dutch politics. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Controversial History<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

The end of the colonisation is a period of history that remains raw to many in the Netherlands. One of the controversies has been around what\u2019s known as the bersiap [be prepared]\u00a0period \u2013 a Dutch term drawn from Indonesian to describe the violence committed by independence activists during the 1940\u2019s against the Indonesians who were seen as part of the colonial infrastructure. That violence was used as the justification for the Dutch reoccupation war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But in the report researchers show that the decision to intervene was not a response to violence. \u201cThat decision have been made much earlier\u201d said Oostindie. \u00a0They also downgraded estimates of how many had died in that \u2018bersiap\u2019 violence. \u201cHere's a maximum of six thousand victims, that's a lot of victims\u201d stressed Oostindie, \u201cit is very painful, but it's not the 20 or 30 thousand that you also hear mentioned sometimes\u201d. Earlier researchers had extrapolated that higher number from incomplete sources. In terms of the total numbers of those who died the researchers say the generally-accepted figure of 100,000 Indonesian casualties\u00a0 \u201cis surrounded by much uncertainty\u201d, but \u201cit is absolutely clear that the casualty ratio in the fighting \u2026 was extremely unequal.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Oostindie acknowledged the difficulty many Dutch people would have in hearing the specifics of what their colonial army had done in the 1940\u2019s, \u201cthe Dutch politicians and a Dutch society as a whole [have] found it very difficult to move away from the very rosy picture of itself. That rosy idea of the self, that we simply don't do that kind of thing\u201d.<\/p>\n\n\n

\r\n\t\t\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\t
Recommended reading<\/div>\r\n\t\t\t
\"Colonial<\/div><\/a>\r\n\t\t\t\r\n\t\t\tHour of reckoning for colonial crimes\r\n\t\t<\/a>\r\n\t\t\r\n\t\t\t\t<\/div>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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In response, the Dutch prime minister apologised. 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