Deir ez-Zor, spearhead of the Transitional Justice Spring

Syria has been rocked for the past 15 days by protests calling for transitional justice. This movement, as two Syrian journalists recount, began on June 10 in Deir ez-Zor, which suffered greatly during the revolution.

In Deir ez-Zor, Syria, demonstrations are taking place in support of the transitional justice process, which is failing to make progress despite the government’s commitments. Photo: people demonstrating in the street, waving Syrian flags and bananas (a symbol of justice).
Demonstration in Deir ez-Zor calling for transitional justice and against the return of the shabbiha (pro-Assad militias). The banana, held aloft by the demonstrators, has become a metaphor for justice in Syria. If it remains whole, it means justice has been done. If it falls to the ground, it means people will slip on it. Photo: © Hamza el-Badr / Nahr Media

It all began, not surprisingly, in Deir ez-Zor – a key crossroads city in eastern Syria largely destroyed by fighting between rebels, the Assad government and jihadists. The movement that started on June 10 centres on a key demand: the implementation of transitional justice.

Since then, the Syrian authorities have watched anxiously as their people take to the streets – in Palmyra, Aleppo, Idlib, Latakia and Damascus – protesting against the reinstatement of former Assad regime members and demanding that the government keep the promises made a year ago with the creation of two national commissions that are slow to get off the ground.

And whilst local authorities are striking “deals” with the demonstrators, trials are suddenly gathering pace in Damascus. A new hearing was held on Tuesday in the case of Atef Najib, on Wednesday for Wassim al-Assad, and this Thursday for Ahmad Badreddin Hassoun. All three are figures from the former regime who were arrested in 2025. Promises are also said to have been made regarding the opening of special courts in the regions, according to human rights lawyer Al-Mutasim al-Kilani.

Rejecting “rehabilitation” of former regime members

The movement began on June 10 with a “popular march” organized by former revolutionaries, which set off from the Seven Fountains roundabout towards the Clock Tower roundabout in the centre of Deir ez-Zor.

The demonstration was triggered by the release that morning of a video showing the arrival in Deir ez-Zor of figures known for their support of the Assad regime, escorted by a security patrol from the Interior Ministry.

The protesters are calling for the government to end to what they call the “rehabilitation of the shabbiha” and “members of the former regime”. The term shabbiha refers to armed groups that operated outside the law, resorting to violence and extortion for the benefit of influential figures within the Assad regime.

On the first day, no response was forthcoming. No government official came to listen to the demonstrators, prompting them to turn their gathering into an open sit-in dubbed the “Sit-in for Dignity”. A tent was erected on Hamoud al-Abd Roundabout and later moved to Seven Fountains Square to minimise disruption to traffic. It hosted local figures, including former commanders of the Free Syrian Army (FSA), participants in the 2011 popular uprising, several MPs, and relatives of victims.

Deir ez-Zor, a revolutionary stronghold

From March 2011 onwards, Deir ez-Zor witnessed a peaceful protest movement inspired by the “Arab Spring”. Violently suppressed, it evolved into an armed movement. Until the end of 2024, the province was controlled by multiple factions, leading to its fragmentation into zones of influence administered successively or simultaneously by the FSA, the al-Nusra Front, the Islamic State, the Syrian Democratic Forces (Kurdish) and regime forces, supported by Iranian militias and the Russian army.

Before the Revolution, the province had a population of around one and a half million, of whom nearly 350,000 lived in the city of Deir ez-Zor. The death toll runs into the thousands, although no official figures or specific documentation covering the entire province exist. Destruction in the city of Deir ez-Zor alone is estimated at nearly 70%.

No large-scale reconstruction programme has been launched, apart from a few projects supported by international organisations. Some residents have returned to the city, but their numbers remain limited due to the extent of the destruction.

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Tent is vandalised and officials react

On June 11, protesters called for a new protest action dubbed “Friday of Dignity”. A demonstration set off from the al-Fateh Mosque towards the sit-in tent. Two days later, it was vandalised by unidentified individuals. The protesters rebuilt it a few hours later, stating that this incident would not stop their movement but would only strengthen their resolve.

June 14 marked the first official initiative. The deputy governor of Deir ez-Zor, Badri al-Masloukh, visited the sit-in tent, where he met with its organizers and received a copy of their demands [see box]. The following day, a meeting was organized between al-Masloukh, Brigadier General Houdhayfa al-Sawa and representatives of the protesters.

In statements after the meeting, the authorities promised to address the citizens’ demands. Following this meeting, the organizing committee of the “Sit-in for Dignity” announced the end of the movement. It said this decision stemmed from a desire to preserve the security and stability of Deir ez-Zor province, and that a commission had been set up to monitor the implementation of the commitments made.

No further demonstrations have been organized to date. The authorities are expected to honour their promise within a one-month deadline.

In Deir ez-Zor (Syria), a protest has taken the form of an open-ended sit-in dubbed the “Sit-in for Dignity”. A tent has been set up. Photo: numerous men (some sitting, others standing) are gathered under a red-and-white striped tent.
After 10 June, in Deir ez-Zor, the demonstration quickly turned into an open-ended sit-in dubbed the “Sit-in for Dignity”. A tent was erected in Seven Fountains Square, which hosted former commanders of the Free Syrian Army (FSA), participants in the 2011 revolutionary movement, as well as several MPs and relatives of victims. Photo: © Hamza el-Badr / Nahr Media

Concerns and warnings

Assaad Jawiche, a member of the sit-in organizing committee and former commander of the FSA, accuses the authorities of showing great leniency towards war criminals, particularly leaders, some of whom he claims have returned to the province. Jawiche warns of the consequences, believing it could have catastrophic effects for the country. He stresses, however, that this protest movement is not opposed to the new authorities. “We fully support them,” he affirms, “but we recognize that their policies need to be subject to public pressure.”

One of the striking aspects of the sit-in was the presence of figures known for their moderate stances. Among them was Dr. Anas al-Fteih, one of the city’s most prominent figures in the opposition to Assad. As early as June 11, he warned about the significant delay in implementing transitional justice. In his view, the choice now facing the ruling authorities is between “holding the shabbiha accountable for their actions or witnessing a clash between different sections of society”.

Abu Alwan, another organizer of the sit-in, called for “respecting people’s feelings and taking their suffering into account”. In his view, transitional justice must take precedence over reconstruction, and he warned that major protests would be inevitable if the authorities failed to take their demands into account.

Transitional justice delays and frustrations

A year ago, interim President Ahmet al-Charaa issued decrees establishing two commissions on transitional justice, but they have been slow to act.

Ahmed Hazrouma, a member of the National Commission for Transitional Justice, told Justice Info he has been following the movement that began in Deir ez-Zor since its very first day. He says the movement emerged due to the delay in passing a transitional justice law, the consideration of which remains contingent upon the formation of Parliament. This delay is made worse, he says, by the provocative behaviour of individuals who believe themselves to be immune from prosecution.

On May 29, President Ahmed al-Charaa visited Deir ez-Zor following a rise in the water level of the Euphrates, which caused floods affecting farmland, homes and infrastructure. On that occasion, al-Charaa ordered the start of reconstruction work on the main bridge and met with several of the city’s leading figures. However, according to several former participants in the 2011 uprising, their attempts to meet the president and convey their demands to him were unsuccessful.

Deir ez-Zor-based journalist and activist Ahmad Yassaoui, who has worked for several media outlets opposed to Bashar al-Assad like newspaper Al Fourat and TV channel Deir ez-Zor, closely followed the peaceful sit-in. In his view, this movement is the result of a build-up of frustrations and genuine concerns regarding the justice process.

Yassaoui believes it is the result of a lack of transparency and communication. In his view, the progress of the transitional justice process is marked by a deep divide and a virtual absence of effective dialogue with citizens, leaving public opinion in a state of uncertainty and anxiety regarding the fate of victims’ rights.

More than a year and a half since the fall of the Assad regime, he thinks the measures taken so far “still fall short of the immense sacrifices made by the Syrian people. The steps taken remain tentative and fail to meet the population’s expectations.” The continued employment of shabbiha and the presence within the administration of figures considered close to the former regime – without any vetting or screening process and in the absence of any form of legal or moral accountability – are hindering any progress towards change and the rebuilding of trust, he adds.

The “Sit-in for Dignity” is the first organized protest movement of this scale in Deir ez-Zor since the recent political changes in Syria. It comes against a backdrop of growing demands for those responsible for violations to be prosecuted and for transitional justice to be effectively implemented.

THE EIGHT DEMANDS OF THE DEIR EZ-ZOR PROTESTERS

  1. Bring the shabbiha [former pro-Assad militiamen] to justice, expel them from the province without allowing them to return, and remove anyone who supported or served the former regime.
  2. Exclude members of the former regime from the armed forces and security services, and strengthen the role of Free Syrian Army veterans.
  3. Provide educational support and employment opportunities for the “children of the Revolution” who have had to interrupt their studies due to the conflict.
  4. Ensure that the children of revolutionaries are provided for through allowances, medical cover and other essential services.
  5. Immediately reinstate civil servants who were dismissed because of their participation in the revolution.
  6. Establish a specialized office for missing persons to monitor their cases and ensure they receive material and moral support.
  7. Establish an office for veterans and work towards documenting the history of the Syrian Revolution.
  8. Ensure transparency in the trials of collaborators, combat corruption and put an end to client politics.

This publication was funded by the European Union under the project "Inclusive Justice in Syria: Building Capacity, Centering Victims". Its contents are the sole responsibility of Justice Info and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Union. Justice Info’s journalists retain full editorial independence over all content.

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